Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue Number: A171-W81

魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号:A171-W81

 

Release Date: December 5, 2005

发布日:2005年12月5日

 

Topic: Living and Sacrifice -- Prize Dedication to YU Dongyue, WU Yilong, and CHEN Xi as Awardees of the Second Annual "Wei Jingsheng Chinese Democracy Champion Prize" by the Wei Jingsheng Foundation

标题:生存与牺牲 -- 第二届“魏京生中国民主斗士奖”对喻东岳、吴义龙、陈西的颁奖词

 

Original Language Version: English (Chinese version at the end)

此号以中文为准(英文在前,中文在后)

 

Note: Please use "Simplified Chinese (GB2312)" encoding to view the Chinese parts of this release.  If this mail does not display properly in your email program, please visit:

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Living and Sacrifice

 -- Prize Dedication to YU Dongyue, WU Yilong, and CHEN Xi as Awardees of the Second Annual "Wei Jingsheng Chinese Democracy Champion Prize" by the Wei Jingsheng Foundation

 

December 5, 2005

 

 

At the turn of the 19th century, a young Ernest Hemingway at the front lines of the war encountered an old Italian soldier. The man was over 50 years old, and his hair had already turned grayish white. Hemingway told the old soldier: "You are too old for this war, papa!" The old soldier solemnly replied, "But I can die as well as any man." Hemingway was deeply struck by this remark, which took on a new significance after his own brush with death. Not long after, he chatted with an English military official about sacrifice. The military official quoted a line from Shakespeare: "I care not; a man can die but once; we owe God a death."

 

The military official's calm and humble view on death deeply shook Hemingway. This is the attitude heroes have when facing sacrifice - he who sacrifices does not even take it to be a solemn act, but takes it to be a kind of voluntary repayment, and the embodiment of convictions. He who is encouraged both to devote himself and to face destruction does everything quietly, not seeking fame, applause, or to move others' hearts, nor does he take into consideration where he will be buried, or whether or not he will have an epitaph on his grave.

 

In our time, we have seen the attitudes of a group of Chinese heroes toward sacrifice. They use their silent actions to say, "I care not; a man can die but once; we owe the Chinese people a death." The "God" in their hearts is the happiness of the Chinese people, that is, the democracy and freedom for which the Chinese people have thirsted for so long.

 

None of us who enjoy freedom and security can stay calm in facing this kind of sacrifice as long as we have a conscience and feeling. When we face those extremely specific brutalities, as well as the near-fatal devastation they bring, all of our hearts are deeply shaken.

 

Today is the day in which we present the Wei Jingsheng Foundation's 2nd annual "Wei Jingsheng Chinese Democracy Champion Prize". It is something we use to express this shocking moment in time.  We think of those who over the last several decades have sacrificed for Chinese democracy, those who have died and who have been tortured to the point of being crippled, those who still remain in jail, and those who are risking their lives to strive for democracy. This list will be as long as a lengthy trail of blood spilled across barren and desolate lands, on wind-swept, dusty hardpan soil. Regrettably, some of these names were covered up by the dust, have faded from memory, or were misunderstood, thus giving their sacrifice a heavy tragic hue. We have no way to clearly count the number of these sacrifices, but we hope that from this lengthy list of names we can choose outstanding representatives to honor, thus wiping away the dust covering up the sacrifices and encouraging the wave upon wave of advancing warriors for human rights and democracy.

 

This year, the Wei Jingsheng Foundation has decided to award a "Wei Jingsheng Chinese Democracy Champion Special Prize" to YU Dongyue. WU Yilong and CHEN Xi will share the second annual "Wei Jingsheng Chinese Democracy Champion Prize". This honor is awarded to these three people primarily to honor their action with dignity and courage, as well as the silence they have manifested over many years in facing sacrifice.

 

Giving a "Wei Jingsheng Chinese Democracy Champion Special Prize" to Yu Dongyue carries great significance. Yu Dongyue is one of the most important heroes of the 1989 Democracy Movement, and one of the June 4th victims who have received the least attention. For many years very rarely did people report or comment on his deeds. Yu Dongyue originally was the Arts Editor of the Liuyang Daily newspaper of Hunan Province's Liuyang County. During the 1989 Democracy Movement period, Yu, who was only 22 years old, went along with Liuyang Elementary School teacher Yu Zhijian and bus driver Lu Decheng to Tiananmen Square, where they hung up two banners. One banner stated, "5,000 Years of Autocracy Will Now Reach to an End", and the other stated, "From Now On, the Personality Cult Must Come to an Stop". They then used paint-filled eggs to smear the huge portrait of Mao Zedong that hangs in Tiananmen Square.

 

When the 1989 Democracy movement is brought up, what mostly comes to mind are the students, hunger strikes, and marches. It cannot be denied that the youthful ardor that the young students displayed added to the exciting flavor of the 1989 Democracy Movement in China and to its shocking the world. However, the Movement was not just a student movement, but also a mass, spontaneous movement of the common people to demand an end to autocracy and to implement democracy.  Precisely because of broad support from the people, the students deeply realized the true value of the movement.  Also precisely because of the broad participation, the authorities came to understand how much their autocracy had lost public support. Therefore, the people's participation and support raised the 1989 movement from a students' appeal movement to a movement where the public demanded democracy and freedom. It also helped fuse together the brave deeds of both the students and the common people, creating a moment that will always shine in the annals of history. We cannot forget those who lent support to the students on hunger strike and who, unarmed, warded off the incoming troops.  Many had families and young ones. They had been through various sorts of political suppression, were bearing heavy responsibilities of life, and knew deeply the cruelty of politics. The fearless spirit they displayed in the 1989 Democracy Movement, their clear mind of resisting autocracy, and the even more brutal retribution and suppression they endured afterwards, make them even more deserving of attention and recognition from both society and history!

 

Yu Dongyue is an outstanding representative among the thousands and thousands of common people. The freelance author Mr. Yu Jie said in a recent article, "The three gentlemen of Hunan had taken the unprecedented step to challenge Mao Zedong, who rests on the sacred altar; their deeds can be considered magnificent feats of opposing dictatorship and tyrants. Their words and behavior are absolutely not a result of what was on impulse but were instead come to after careful consideration... for this they paid a painful price...."

 

The painful price that Yu Dongyue and the two others paid was their freedom, health, and lives. After the three gentlemen of Hunan were seized and sent to the Public Security Bureau, and were separately sentenced for "Counter-Revolutionary Crime of Damage" and "Crime of Propagating Incitement". Yu Dongyue was sentenced to 20 years. Not long after he was sent to jail he was driven to insanity, and up to this day he is still suffering inhuman torments.

 

What should be stressed is that challenging the huge portrait of Mao Zedong is an inconceivable act even to this day. In China Mao Zedong is still worshiped and deified. Opposing Mao Zedong is even less acceptable than advocating Western democracy; it is what the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has feared the most for many years. Yet Mao Zedong is the root cause of the Chinese autocratic regime. None of us can forget the disastrous result of the tyranny under Mao Zedong's rule: calamities befalling numerous households, the lives of tens of millions of people, the humiliation of over 100 million people, as well as the entire morals of society unknowingly being numbed and distorted. Regretfully, the entirety of China has been sealed within this disaster till this day. Violence becomes sacred after being painted red. The cries of butchers become chants after being covered up and distorted. This situation is a great shame and sorrow for our modern Chinese people! If Mao Zedong's huge portrait is still being revered in Tiananmen Square, how can the spirits of those thousands upon thousands who died from injustice obtain peace and comfort?  We must stress that what Yu Dongyue and the two others assaulted was not a portrait but an iron wall - the last but toughest iron wall still pinning down Chinese democracy. Just like some people with experience and independent thinking, Yu Dongyue was able to see even more clearly and thoroughly the crux of the problem with achieving Chinese democracy. These three heroes from Hunan directly challenged the portrait of Mao Zedong and walked to the forefront of history. Their heroic actions, together with Wang Weilin blocking the tank and the statue of the Goddess of Democracy, stand as the three indelible symbols of the history of 1989 Democracy Movement.

 

In one aspect, the actions of the three heroes of Hunan represent the strong aspiration of the Chinese people to oppose tyranny and their uncompromising spirit. From another aspect, what was moving about the actions of the three heroes of Hunan was in how they performed that alone. Throughout history there have been many of these simple and solitary actions. In 1958, when the Soviet dissident Boris Leonidovich Pasternak won the Nobel Prize for Literature for "Doctor Zhivago", the Soviet authorities immediately decided to conduct mass criticism against him. They convened a plenary meeting where the chairman, in a well thought-out plan, declared that the plenary meeting had unanimously adopted a motion to clear Pasternak out of the ranks of Soviet writers. At this time, a female voice suddenly appeared offstage. A female Russian writer said loudly, "How can you say that the motion was unanimously adopted? I raise my hand to oppose it!" For her to let out her voice among the silent masses like that is not a simple action, but an embodiment of innate dignity and the heartfelt expression of the power of moral character. The common ground between people who can perform these courageous actions alone is that they possess honest intentions, as well as the tragic spirit of sacrificing for conviction. In the endless river of history, they will forever be glorious, powerful waves.

 

Now, Yu Dongyue has already developed a mental disorder and is completely unable to take care of his personal matters, such as food and shelter. He does not recognize people, talks to himself everyday, and even eats and drinks his own excrement. The people in jail all say that he has gone insane.  As a matter of fact, originally Yu Dongyue was a strong, determined man, persisting for many years to go swimming during winter. He was always honest and sincere towards others. He was not very good at speaking, but loved to write both poetry and prose. The reason he became the insane and crippled man of today is completely because he was particularly unyielding, and completely because what he faced was a particularly ruthless and powerful government. He refused to admit that he was wrong and to accept being remolded, and even though he was kept alone in a tightly guarded room behind the jail, he still did not change his original believes. He was once tied to an electric pole for many days straight and badly sunburned, and was brutally beaten on many occasions. We have no way to ascertain the specific details of the beatings he received, but when we listened to the description by Yu Dongyue's family members of the severe wound on his head, it is not hard for us to imagine how he was tortured to the point of insanity. Afterwards the CCP refused several times to give him early release, nor even let him be transferred to a hospital for treatment.  This has again fully exposed the brutal nature of the CCP.

 

Now, Yu Dongyue has already sacrificed the most important organ of his body, and can no longer do what he wishes to do for the democracy movement. This person, who once enjoyed reading, calligraphy, painting, and literature, and who had thinking, conscience, and competence, can no longer use his brain to freely soar into the world of culture he longs for. From one perspective, he is no different from a martyr buried in the earth, different only in that he has no tombstone. Yet, when every one of us that is fortunate to still have a normal thinking process passes by this grave, we have no way to remain stoic or to overlook it. Yu Dongyue's existence makes us face a serious future: every person who wishes to devote himself or herself to Chinese democracy may be silently destroyed like this. Even steel could be broken, and every person's fatigue threshold is different under cruelty.  Yet, steel that finally was broken is still steel, and such kind of people still deserve our respect. The disaster that Yu Dongyue has met with has made us seriously ponder the meaning of life and of sacrifice.

 

Now, Yu Dongyue has already become handicapped. Yu Dongyue deeply understood the meaning and the consequences of the actions he would take in Beijing before he went there. Thus he wrote a farewell letter to the head of the newspaper agency where he worked. In the letter he said, "I cannot avoid predicting my future, yet it is an unpredictable future." He then resolutely set out on the path of no return. This path of no return brought him to a chaotic world where one knows not whether one is living or dying. Today, we repeat his name over and over, but right now he may be in jail seeing through dull eyes and talking to himself; his situation makes us extremely heartbroken.  However, "Some people are so afraid to die that they never begin to live." From this perspective, today's Yu Dongyue, who has lost his normal thinking process, has a more meaningful and dignified existence than those who are cowardly but who have normal brains and functions.

 

Awarding Yu Dongyue with the "Wei Jingsheng Chinese Democracy Champion Special Prize" is to honor the strong aspiration to oppose tyranny that he represents, is to have this type of sacrifice gain recognition and attention, and is a condemnation against and denunciation of the brutality of the CCP. For many years, the Chinese people have forgotten so much about human nature, life, freedom, and concern about death, to the point that as important as a 1989 Democracy Movement figure as Yu Dongyue is, he receives far too little public concern or even the most basic humanitarian care. We hope that today's Special Prize will make us reestablish this true humanitarian care. Today, our bestowing Yu Dongyue with this "Wei Jingsheng Chinese Democracy Champion Special Prize", is not only to honor him, but even more so is it to honor all those people that make unmentioned contributions to the Chinese democracy movement and who Yu Dongyue represents.

 

This year's "Wei Jingsheng Chinese Democracy Champion Prize" will be shared by Wu Yilong and Chen Xi. Both made outstanding contributions to Chinese democracy. Just like Yu Dongyue, they possess independent, brave, and tenacious characters. Their uniqueness is in that they persisted in their independent thinking and made outstanding contributions, such as organizing an opposition party and safeguarding human rights.

 

Wu Yilong was part of the backbone of the 1989 Democracy Movement when he was in college. When he was in graduate school in Zhejiang, he started to organize a social problems association. Afterwards he organized a scholarly association and forums on real social issues, as well as acting as chief editor of the scholarly club journal "Students and Scholars". Because of this work he was on many occasion summoned or subpoenaed by the National Security Bureau. In 1998 he participated in founding the Chinese Democracy Party Zhejiang Preparatory Committee. Afterwards he contacted people in various provinces, cities, and autonomous regions to encourage them establish their own Chinese Democracy Party Preparatory Committees. He also did a lot of planning work to start a nationwide Preparatory Committee.

 

Wu Yilong's greatest trait was that he did not fight for fame, interest or personal loss or gain. He quietly faced risks and hardships in doing specific tasks.  In the movement to organize the Chinese Democracy Party he made irreplaceable contributions, but up to this day is not well known by the broader democracy movement community. In the process of establishing a party nationwide, on his first trip he traveled to 21 different provinces in only 19 days. On the second trip he went to 15 provinces in only 12 days. In this period he traveled far distances despite being under the scorching sun and having to eat and sleep out in the open for thousands miles. He never talked about these difficulties, but we can imagine the hardships he went through.

 

After months in detention, in November 1999 Wu Yilong and three others were sentenced for "Subverting the National Regime". Wu Yilong was sentenced for 11 years in jail. By now he has already been in jail for almost seven years. Seven years of isolation, abuse, and violence will force a person to face the essence of his own life nakedly and without any retreat. Nowadays, in facing this essence as he continues to squat in jail, Wu Yilong has manifested a determination, calmness, and consistency that has greatly astounded and moved us. There are not a lot of people who know Wu Yilong, but whoever knows him, or hear mention of his actions, are always stunned and in awe with great appreciation. This admiration shows that Wu Yilong is of rare character of excellence without fault.

 

Wu Yilong has set an example and established an outstanding model for his fellow democracy colleagues. As long as Wu remains inside a jail cell, his fellow colleagues and friends will never forget him and will continue to further his work. Taking Zhejiang Province where he is now as an example, people from this area, known as China's famous "land of plenty," have not simply satisfied their needs for food and warmth. Not only did Wu and others face great risks in setting a nationwide precedent in the process of establishing a political party in 1998, even after they faced persecution they were unremitting, and put all their efforts together into defending their rights. For many years, they have used different methods to devote themselves to human rights and democracy activities. They did much work for the masses of China, in particular doing a lot to defend the rights of workers and peasants. In these last few years, in the great waves of calling for the release of political prisoners and in individual rights cases, the dozens of public advocates in Zhejiang were the most eye-catching. Zhejiang is also the province that often has the most people participating in rights defending movements nationwide.

 

Chen Xi from Guizhou has been called the "iron man for freedom and democracy," the "mainstay of the Chinese Democracy movement in the Southwest," the "Rare leader of the Chinese democracy movement". As early as 1995, Chen Xi put forward the idea that "the Guizhou democracy movement should move to the forefront of the nationwide movement. It must dare to be the first and in Guizhou to kindle the first flames of democracy." Along with Lu Yongxiang, Liao Shuangyuan, Huang Yanming, and Zeng Ning, he tried to organize and establish an opposition party, as well as to demand the overthrow of the verdict of the June 4 of 1989. Because of this he was arrested and sentenced to 10 years in jail. But none of this has dampened Chen Xi's courage and determination.

 

After Chen Xi finished serving his sentence and left jail in May of this year, he did not rest, and went non-stop in returning to help friends to jointly start activities for democracy and freedom. Currently, Chen Xi, Li Renke, Du Heping, and others are breaking through layers and layers of barriers in their efforts to prepare for a "Guizhou First Annual Citizen International Human Rights Forum" to be held on the United Nations Human Rights Day.

 

Through his tenacious, forgiving, modest, and amiable character, as well as his deep theoretical knowledge, Chen Xi has assembled a group of people with good character and lofty ideals who form the mainstay of the democracy movement in the Southwest region. His role as organizer and leader made him the most important democracy advocate to be sentenced for the longest terms in the Guizhou region.

 

What is praiseworthy about Chen Xi is his unremittance. When he was first sent to jail in 1989, he was sentenced for three years. The second time, in 1995, he was sentenced for ten years. Half of his life was taken up in these 13 years. The first time after he left jail he immediately devoted himself to democracy movement activities. This May, the second time he left jail, he immediately, with firm conviction and without looking back, stood on the front lines of the democracy movement. The road leading to jail's gate is a difficult one.  A commonplace person in that situation would not be able to stop the flow of feelings of terror and despair. For Chen Xi, it was the gate of purgatory; the gleam of blood inside made him even more steadfast and calm. Chen Xi went to jail twice, where his heart was tempered into one of top quality. From how Chen Xi was consistent over the ten-plus years we can see that his heart will not be worn down by time or hardships; he will continue to tenaciously act for the cause of Chinese democracy.

 

As we award Chen Xi with the second annual "Wei Jingsheng Chinese Democracy Champion Prize", we hope that this award will express our respect towards the independence and initiative, solidarity, and lofty bearing of all of the Guizhou democracy and rights advocates. For many years, Guizhou's democracy and rights advocates have used the law to arm themselves, have conducted rights defending activities in a beneficial and controlled manner, and have become thorns in the side of the CCP dictatorial regime.

 

These courageous people make us think of Gandhi. When Gandhi led a large group of people to demonstrate against English colonization, the English military police beat Gandhi on the head over and over with their cudgels. Gandhi fell down, then stood up again; he was then knocked down again, and then stood up again. The beating continued until he completely fainted. Guizhou's democracy advocators' indomitable spirit precisely inherits Gandhi's bloodline: as long as they have one breath left, they will keep fighting.

 

The monetary award for the Wei Jingsheng Foundation's "Wei Jingsheng Chinese Democracy Champion Prize" and "Wei Jingsheng Chinese Democracy Champion Special Prize" is only a symbolic gift, a spiritual encouragement. They are not formed by bank notes but by the aspirations of all of us, present or not, who care about the progress of Chinese democracy. They are the concentration of our warmth, respect, hopes, and gratitude. They represent humankind's heartfelt wish for justice. They come from our efforts to promote historical justice. They also remind people that the nameless heroes and fellow advocates that made a stand along with them will never be forgotten.

 

This monetary award is a consolation to the family members of the victims. It is not to say that we can fully understand the bitter fruit that you swallow every day or the humiliation you suffer, but we are willing to share your suffering as a way to take some of your burden.

 

At the same time, this monetary award is an encouragement and support to all of those people fighting for Chinese democracy at this moment. What we face is the same tough, thorn-filled path, one that requires that we give wave after wave of unceasing effort.

 

Martin Luther King Jr. once said "a man who won't die for something is not fit to live." Yu Dongyue, Wu Yilong, Chen Xi, our reciting your names is reciting the meaning of living and of sacrifice, and to show our sympathy to all of those who have been persecuted or humiliated by the Chinese autocracy. We thank you, in a time where we may be puzzled or timid, when we may waver, lose heart or lament, to set such moving examples for us!

 

Thank you all - this is our sincere, tear-filled gratitude!

 

Thank you readers for your attention.

 

 

Ciping HUANG (signed)

Executive Director

Wei Jingsheng Foundation

 

 

(The Wei Jingsheng Foundation is grateful to Yike CHENG for her great contribution of composing this dedication, and for her long time voluntary work and other contributions to this Foundation.)

 

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中文版

 

Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue Number: A171-W81

魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号:A171-W81

 

Release Date: December 5, 2005

发布日:2005年12月5日

 

Topic: Living and Sacrifice -- Prize Dedication to YU Dongyue, WU Yilong, and CHEN Xi as Awardees of the Second Annual "Wei Jingsheng Chinese Democracy Champion Prize" by the Wei Jingsheng Foundation

标题:生存与牺牲 -- 第二届“魏京生中国民主斗士奖”对喻东岳、吴义龙、陈西的颁奖词

 

Original Language Version: English (Chinese version at the end)

此号以中文为准(英文在前,中文在后)

 

如有中文乱码问题,请访问:

http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2005/report2005-12/WJSF2ndPrize051205dedicationA171-W81.htm

 

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生存与牺牲

 

第二届“魏京生中国民主斗士奖"对喻东岳、吴义龙、陈西的颁奖词

2005年12月 5 日

 

 

近一个世纪前,年轻的海明威在战争前线遇到了一个意大利老兵。那人五十多岁,头发已经灰白。海明威对老兵说:“老爹,你对这个战争来说太老了!”老兵严肃地回答:“但是我可以象任何一个人一样地死去。”这句话让海明威受到触动。不久海明威在战争中受了伤,一次聚会上他和一个英国军官聊到了牺牲。军官引用了莎士比亚的一句话:“我不在乎。一个人可以死,并且只能死一次。我们欠上帝一个死亡。”

 

军官对死亡平静而谦卑的心情,让海明威深受震动。这是英雄面对牺牲的态度——牺牲者甚至没有悲壮的心情,而是把它当做一种自愿的回报,一种信念的实现。奉献或是被毁灭,都是心甘情愿,都是默默无闻,不盼望名誉、掌声、众人的感动,不考虑身将埋在何处,是否会有墓志铭......。

 

如今,我们也看到了一群中国的英雄们面对牺牲的姿态。他们用无声的行动在说:“我不在乎。一个人可以死,并且只能死一次。我们欠中国人民一个死亡。”他们心中的“上帝"就是中国人民的幸福,就是中国人民多年渴望的民主自由。

 

面对这样的牺牲,我们所有还享受着自由、安全的人们,只要有良知和感情,都是无法平静的。当我们面对那些非常具体的残酷,以及它所带来的致命摧残的时候,我们每一个人的心都被深深震撼了!

 

今天,是魏京生基金会第二次颁发“魏京生中国民主斗士奖”的日子,是我们用来表达这种震撼的时刻,在这个时刻,我们想到了几十年来所有为中国民主做出牺牲的人们,那些死去的、被折磨致残的人们,那些仍旧关押在牢狱里的人们,那些正冒着生命危险奋斗的人们。这个名单,将是长长的一串,如同长长一串鲜血,洒在贫瘠荒凉、却又风尘滚滚的硬土上。遗憾的是,他们有的被尘封、被淡忘、被误解,牺牲由此蒙照着沉重的悲剧色彩.。我们无法数得清这样的牺牲,但是我们希望从长长的名单中挑选出杰出代表来加以表彰,以抹去覆在牺牲上的尘土,以激励正在前赴后继的斗士。

 

今天,魏京生基金会决定颁发一次“魏京生中国民主斗士特别奖”,得主是喻东岳。而今年的“魏京生中国民主斗士奖”由吴义龙和陈西两人分享。将这个荣誉颁发给这三个人,主要为了表彰他们带有尊严和勇气的行动,以及他们多年来面对牺牲所表现的沉默。

 

将“魏京生中国民主斗士特别奖”授予喻东岳有着重大的意义。喻东岳是一九八九年的民主运动中最重要的英雄之一,也是六四受难者中最不为人们所关注的人物之一。多年来他的事迹很少被报道、评论。喻东岳原本是湖南省浏阳县《浏阳日报》的美术编辑。八九民运期间,年仅22岁的他和浏阳县小学教师余志坚、长途汽车司机鲁德成一起,在天安门广场挂起了两幅标语,一幅是“五千年专制从此告一段落”,一幅是“个人崇拜从今可以休矣”,然后用带有颜料的鸡蛋涂抹在悬挂在天安门城楼上的毛泽东巨幅画像上。

 

提起八九运动,人们多半想到的是学生运动、绝食、游行。不可否认,年轻学生的青春热血,增添了八九运动的激昂色彩和对全球的震撼。但是,八九运动不仅仅是学生运动,更是平民百姓自发性地要求结束专制、实行民主的群体运动。正是由于广大百姓的支持,学生们深深意识到运动的真实价值;也正是由于广大百姓的支持,当局了解到他们的专制如何不得人心。所以,百姓的参与和支持,使八九运动从学生请愿运动上升到了民众要求民主自由的运动,使学生和民众的壮烈举动融合在一体,八九运动因此而永载史册,光耀万载。我们不能忘记,那些声援学生绝食、赤手空拳抵挡军队进驻的贫民百姓,多半有家有小,他们身经各类政治迫害运动,肩负生活的拖累,深知后果之残酷。他们在八九民运中所表现出的无畏精神,以及他们旗帜鲜明反抗专制,并因此所承受的更为残暴的报复与镇压,更应当受到社会和历史的关注和承认!

 

喻东岳,就是这样成千上万平民大众中的杰出代表。自由撰稿人余杰先生在最近的文章中说:“湖南三君子史无前例地挑战神坛上的毛泽东,堪称反独裁、反暴君的伟大壮举。他们的所作所为决非一时兴起,而是经过深思熟虑.....他们为此付出了惨痛的代价......"

 

这个惨痛的代价,是喻东岳等三人的自由、健康、和生命。湖南三君子被扭送到公安局以后,分别因“反革命破坏罪和宣传煽动罪”被判处徒刑。喻东岳被判20年徒刑。入狱以后不久被逼成疯,至今仍在狱中遭受非人的折磨。

 

应当强调的是,向毛泽东巨像挑战这个举动,即使在今天,依旧是让人噤若寒蝉的行为。毛泽东在中国,仍然被信仰着、神话着。反对毛泽东,比提倡西方民主更不可通融,是中共当局多年来最惧怕的事情。但是,毛泽东是中国专制政权的祸根,我们都不可能忘记毛泽东领导下的暴政的恶果——千家万户的灾难,几千万人的性命,上亿大众的屈辱,以及整个世道不知不觉的麻木、扭曲、精神失常。遗憾的是,整个中国至今还封锁在这个恶果之中,暴力因为涂上了红色而变成神圣,屠宰的嚎叫因为掩饰和歪曲而变成吟唱,这个局面是我们近代中国人巨大的耻辱和悲哀!如果毛泽东巨像还在天安门城楼被敬仰着,成千上万个被冤屈致死的生灵如何能够得到安抚和温慰?!!我们要强调,喻东岳三人所冲击的,不是一幅画像,而是一堵铁墙——一堵围困中国民主的最后的、也是最坚韧的铁墙。喻东岳和一些有阅历的、有独力思考的人们一样,更清楚地看透中国民主的症结所在。他们直接向毛泽东画像挑战,走到了历史的前列。湖南三壮士的举动,和王维林挡坦克、民主自由女神像一起,并列为八九民运史上不可磨灭的三大象征。

 

一方面,湖南三壮士的举动代表着中国人民反抗暴政的强烈愿望与不妥协精神,另一方面,湖南三壮士的举动感人之处,在于它的“孤独性”。历史上有许多这种简单而孤独的举动。1958年苏联异己作家波捷尔纳克获诺贝尔文学奖的时候,苏联当局马上决定对他进行大批判。他们召开了一个大会,主席胸有成竹地宣布大会一致通过将波清除出苏联作家队伍,这时台下突然响起一个女性的声音。作家阿列卢耶娃大声说:“怎么能说一致通过呢?我举手反对!”在众生沉默甚至喧嚣的时候发出自己的声音,这不是一个简单的行动,而是内在尊严和人格力量的最深切的体现。能够做出这种孤独而勇敢举动的人们,他们的共同之处是具有纯正的心怀,具有为信念而牺牲的悲剧精神。在历史长河中,他们永远是一束光彩、灿烈的波涛!

 

如今,喻东岳已经精神失常,完全不能料理自己的起居饮食。他不认识人了,他每天自言自语,他还吞吃自己的屎尿......。监狱里的人都说他疯了,成了共产党监狱里的“华子良”。实际上,喻东岳原本是一个身体强壮、意志坚强的汉子,多年坚持冬泳。他一贯为人诚恳敦厚、不善言谈、喜爱画字诗文。他之所以成为今天的疯残,全因为他特别的倔强不屈,全因为他面对的是一个特别残暴和强大的政府。他拒绝认错接受改造,被独自关在严管房后仍不改初衷。他曾被绑在电线杆上连续数天在太阳底下暴晒,并多次遭受残酷的毒打。我们无法了解被毒打的具体细节,但是当听喻东岳家属描述他头部惨重的伤口时,我们不难想象他是如何被折磨逼疯的。之后中共当局几次拒绝提前释放,甚至根本不将他转送到医院治疗,这再次充分暴露了中共的残酷本性。

 

如今,喻东岳已经牺牲了他最重要的生命器官,不能如愿为民主运动再做些什么。这么一个喜爱读书、字画、文学,有思想、有良知、有才干的人,再也不能用他的大脑自由翱翔在他渴望的文化天地里。在某种意义上说,他和躺在墓地里的烈士没有什么不同,不同的只是没有墓碑。但是,我们每一个有幸还能正常思维的人,路过这个墓地的时候,都无法平静或忽略。喻东岳的存在,让我们面对一个严肃的未来:每个愿意为中国民主奉献的人,都有可能这样被无声地毁灭。每一块钢铁的疲劳阈值不同,都有可能在惨酷的摧残下被折断。但是,折断了的钢铁依旧是钢铁,都是值得让人们肃然起敬的!喻东岳的遭遇,让我们严肃地思考生命和牺牲的意义。

 

如今,喻东岳已经成为一个残废。喻东岳在去北京之前深知这个举动的意义和后果,因此给报社社长写了道别信,信中他说:“前途不可不测又不可测”,然后毅然走上了不归路。这条不归路,把他带到一个生死不知的混沌世界。今天,我们在这里一遍遍地念着他的名字,而他可能正在牢房里用呆滞的目光自言自语,他的处境真是让人万分万分的痛心!但是,“那些懦弱的人惧怕牺牲,他们因此从来没有开始生存”。从这种意义上说,今天精神失常了的喻东岳,比那些怯懦的、有着正常大脑功能的人们更加有意义地生存着,更加有尊严地生存过!

 

授予喻东岳“魏京生中国民主斗士特别奖”,是表彰喻东岳所代表的反抗暴政的强烈愿望,是让这种牺牲得到承认和关注,也是对中共残酷的一种控诉和声讨。许多年来,中国人民经历了太多的对人性、生命、自由、死亡的关怀的遗忘,以至于多年来像喻东岳这样重要的八九民运人物,远远得不到公众足够的关心乃至最基本的人道关怀。希望今天这个特别奖,让我们重新建立这种真正的人道关怀。今天,我们授予喻东岳“魏京生中国民主斗士特别奖”,不仅是对他,更是对以他为代表的所有为中国民主运动默默无闻做出贡献的人们的表彰。

 

今年的两位“魏京生中国民主斗士奖”获奖人是吴义龙和陈西。和喻东岳一样,他们都具有独立、勇敢、百折不挠的品质,他们两人的独特之处,在于坚持独立思考,以及为组织反对党和维护人权方面所做的卓越贡献。

 

吴义龙在上大学期间就是八九民运的骨干,到浙江读研究生时开始组织社会问题沙龙。以后又组织读书会,研讨社会现实问题,并主编读书会会刊《读书人》杂志,为此多次被国家安全部门拘传或传讯。1998年他参加创建中国民主党浙江筹委会。随后又前往各省市自治区联络成立中国民主党各地筹委会,并为成立全国筹委会做准备工作。

 

吴义龙的最大特点是不争名利和个人得失,默默无闻地做危险、艰苦的具体工作。他在中国民主党组党运动中做出的无人替代的贡献,直到现在也不为广大民运朋友熟知。他在全国组党过程中,第一次行走中国21个省,仅用了19天的时间,第二次行走中国15个省,只用了12天的时间。这期间他如何在烈日暴晒、餐风露宿中日行千里,他没有说过,但是我们能够想象到他所经历的艰苦。

 

1999年11月,吴义龙等四人因“颠覆国家政权罪”被判刑。吴义龙的刑期是11 年。至今他已在牢里度过了近7年。近7年的隔离、虐待、施暴,会迫使一个人赤裸裸地、毫无退路地面对自己的生命本质。如今仍然蹲在牢狱里的吴义龙,在这个面对中所表现的坚强、沉静、始终如一,让我们非常惊异和感动。知道吴义龙的人不多,但是凡是接触过吴义龙的人,提起他的表现,都是众口皆碑,这说明了吴义龙是罕见的品行无暇。

 

吴义龙以身作则,为他的同道们建立了优秀的榜样。尽管吴义龙身陷牢房,但他的同道与朋友们没有忘了他,依然继续着他的事业。以他所在的浙江省为例,来自中国闻名的“鱼米之乡”的人们没有满足于自己的温饱,他们不仅在1998年的组党过程中冒着最大危险开创了全国的先例,而且在被镇压后依然坚持不懈,齐心协力坚持维权运动。他们多年来以不同形式和方式,积极投入人权与民主活动,为中国大众做具体工作,尤其是工人与农民的维权工作。近些年来,在呼吁释放政治犯和维权的波潮中,浙江的几十名公开人士的参与最为醒目,浙江也通常是在全国性维权运动中参与人数最多的省份。

 

来自贵州的陈西,被喻为“追求自由民主的铁骨硬汉”,“西南地区民运的中流砥柱、中国民运难得的将才。” 早在1995年,陈西就提出了“贵州的民主运动要走在全国的前面,要敢为人先,在贵州点燃第一把民主之火”。他和卢勇祥、廖双元、黄燕明、曾宁一起试图组建反对党,并要求平反“6.4”,因而被捕并被判刑十年。但这一切并没有挫伤陈西的勇气及决心。

 

自陈西于今年五月刑满出狱后,他没有休息,马不停蹄,重新又回到了与朋友们一起共创民主与自由的活动中。目前,陈西与李仁科,杜和平等正突破重重阻力努力筹备将在联合国人权日召开的“贵州首届公民国际人权研讨会”。

 

陈西以坚韧、包容、谦和的人格力量,以及深厚的理论知识, 聚集了一群仁人志士,成为西南地区民主运动的中流砥柱。他的组织者、领导者的身份,使他成为贵州地区民运人士中被判刑最重的一个。

 

陈西的可贵之处是他的坚持不懈。他第一次入狱在1989年,被判三年。第二次在1995年,被判10年。半生累计判刑13年。第一次出狱后他立即投入民运活动。今年五月底第二次出狱后,他立即带着坚定的信念,义无反顾地站在民运第一线。监狱是重重的门,开了关,关了开,对平庸人来说,它摒挡不住恐惧和绝望,对陈西来说,它则是一个炼狱之门,里面的血光让他更加坚定沉着。陈西两次入狱,锤炼出一颗优质的心。我们从陈西十几年如一日的表现可以看出,这颗心不任岁月艰苦消磨,依然顽强地为中国民主运动跳动着。

 

籍此授予陈西第二届“魏京生中国民主斗士奖”之际,我们向所有贵州的民运维权人士独立自主、团结一心的高尚风范表示敬意。多年来,贵州的民运维权人士以法律武装自己,有利有节地进行维权活动,成为中共独裁政权的眼中钉。

 

这些勇敢的人们让我想起了甘地。甘地在带领群众示威反抗英国殖民的时候,英国宪兵的棍棒一次次地击向甘地的头部。甘地倒下去,再站起来,再被击倒,再站起来,直到彻底晕厥过去。他们的顽强精神,正是承袭了甘地的血液:一息尚在,奋斗不止。

 

魏京生基金会“魏京生中国民主斗士奖”及“魏京生中国民主斗士特别奖”的奖金,只是一个象征物,一种精神奖励。它不是由钞票组成的,而是由我们在场的、不在场的、一切关心中国民主进程人们的心愿组成的,它凝聚著我们的温暖、尊敬、期望和感激;它代表着人类正义力量的心声;它是我们为维护历史公正所做的努力;它也是向人们表明,这些无名英雄以及和他们一起抗争的同道人将永远不会被遗忘。

 

这笔奖金是对所有受难者的家属们的温慰。不能说我们完全体会到你们每天所吞咽的苦涩、蒙受的耻辱,但是我们愿意咀嚼你们的苦难,以期做出一些分担。

 

这笔奖金同时也是对所有正在为中国民主奋斗的人们的鼓励和支持。我们面前横着的,依旧是那条荆棘丛生的道路,需要我们前赴后继地不断努力。

 

马丁路德金曾经说过:“一个人不会为了那些不值得生活的事情而献身”。喻东岳、吴义龙,陈西,我们吟念着你们名字,就是吟念着生存和牺牲的意义,就是悲悯一切被中国专制所压迫的受难受辱的生灵。感谢你们在我们困惑、胆怯的时候,在我们可能动摇、泄气、悲叹的瞬间,为我们树立如此感人的榜样!

 

感谢你们——这是我们真诚的、含泪的感谢!

 

谢谢大家的倾听。

 

 

黄慈萍 (签署)

魏京生基金会执行主任

 

2005年12月5日

 

 

(魏京生基金会首发,请注明出处。www.weijingsheng.org)

 

(程以克为本次颁奖词的主要撰稿人,魏京生基金会对她的工作表示感谢,并感谢她多年来的义务劳动及其它重要贡献。)

 

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