Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A222-W113
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号：A222-W113
Release Date: August 19, 2006
发布日：2006年8月19日
Topic: Systematic Differences Revealed by Comparing June 4 to Taiwan's Presidential Scandal -- by Wei Jingsheng
标题： 从中国的六四到台湾总统府的丑闻 -- 魏京生
Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)
此号以中文为准（英文在前，中文在后）
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Systematic Differences Revealed by Comparing June 4 to Taiwan's Presidential Scandal -- Wei Jingsheng
Not long ago, we looked back at the incident where three noble men from Hunan sullied the portrait of Mao Zedong hanging over the TianAnMen Square during the June 4th, 1989, period. From the fact these three men were captured by the students in charge of Tiananmen Square and turned over to the Public Security Bureau, we can see that the thinking of the movement at that time was a not-yet-mature concept of "opposing corrupt officials but not the emperor." It is a weak form of rebellion, or as the common people sarcastically say, it is "rebelling while kneeling down." You want to rebel, but you want to kneel down, too, while asking permission to rebel from the emperor. Of course, this was a failed strategy.
I have some young friends who ask, "Where can you find such foolish people?" If you analyze things through logic and principles, you will indeed feel that there should not be such foolish people. But in reality, when people have been influenced too much by traditional Chinese culture, you see many instances of people both being rebels and loyalists. Their mentalities are that of cattle, horses, or dogs. One part of them feels oppressed and tricked, while the other part wants to take chance. They always take those who enslave themselves to be good people, and wants to take chance towards those are going to slaughter them. The political culture in Chinese traditional culture is full of this slave-like feeling of taking a chance, and by spreading broadly through works of arts, literature, in an effort of leading people to be obedient citizens. After people are used to being obedient, even when they rebel, they do it while kneeling down, which reflect their obedient mental state.
Rebelling while kneeling down is wrong from two angles. From the perspective of kneeling down, if you are going to kneel down, then do it well; why would you rebel? The cattle, horses, and dogs that rebel would be the first to be slaughtered, as they do not follow the rules of obedient. But there is nothing that can be done: human are human, and are often unable to deal with being treated like slaves. Thus, when their human nature bursts out, they rebel. So, if you are going to rebel, then do it well. You should know the consequences of rebellion. Do not hold any fantasies of being able to pass muster like you can with your mother or grandmother by admitting your mistakes after throwing a tantrum.
But the publicized political demands of the June 4th period is to have the government recognize that this was not a rebellion and that it was to help the Communist Party correct its mistakes. It was based on a fantasy that Deng Xiaoping was like Mao Zedong and that he would give the rebellious faction a legitimate status and integrate them into the rank of the bureaucracy. It was precisely this ridiculous scheme and hope that led the entire democracy movement astray. From the moment it started, the movement was one that actively departed from the people and their aspirations, and one that lacks clear direction. Such a movement of course would be unable to achieve any real result. But the movement did produce one greatest achievement, which was to publicly spread the word of democracy into the hearts of the people.
Democracy is a good thing, and people began to get a vague sense of this during that time. Although they were not that clear about things, the seeds of hope had been planted. The rapid development of autocratic corruption over the last 17 years since June 4th has fertilized and watered the seeds planted by the 1989 democracy movement. The thought of democracy has taken root in people's hearts and bear fruit and flowers. Nowadays, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has felt a deep sense of dread. From Zhu Rongji to Hu Jintao, all came to clearly realize that the CCP's corruption is truly its worst enemy. I believe that they sincerely wish to eliminate this natural enemy so as to save their own hides. Yet the autocratic system of the CCP has ensured that opposing corruption is ineffective. I would like to reiterate a commonly spoken truism: absolute power corrupts absolutely. Hu Jintao's battle against corruption will only degenerate into internal power struggles -- the more he opposes it, the more corrupt things will become.
A recent report said that Hu Jintao's daughter is working closely with the relatives of Vice-President Zeng Qinghong to scheme for real estate and money in Shenzhen. The scope of what they are doing vastly outstrips that of their predecessors, and they are earning hundreds of billions of Yuan in profits. Who can put a stop to this? No one can. Even if Hu Jintao's personal character were more just and fair than that of democratic political leaders, he still would be unable to put an end to it. People hold endearment to their relatives, so we should not expect they voluntarily eliminating these relatives mercilessly. Thus, many of our friends say pessimistically, "There is no way to put an end to this." In my view, that is not necessarily true. Taiwan's recent corruption scandal has proved the exact opposite conclusion.
As the President of Taiwan, Chen Shui-Bian holds a great amount of power in his hands. News about his wife and daughter's corruption has caused a ruckus for years. Some people hold old notions by saying, "There is nothing we can do about such things and we cannot control them." But the situation recently has been different. The younger politicians in the opposition party do not think this way, and have been leaving no stone unturned in their desire for a truthful report on the crisis. The solid evidences they dig out have sent Chen's son-in-law to jail. Their investigation has led them directly to the President's office, forcing two of Chen Shui-Bian's top aides to step down. Moreover, the matter has yet to conclude, and many of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) members (which Chen Shui-Bian belongs to) are loudly calling for Chen to step down, which shows the fundamental difference between democracy and autocracy.
Is it that the DPP would not protect its own people? No, it is not. But you cannot conceal your wrongdoings in a democratic system. If they do not oppose Chen's corruption, they themselves will be left in a dangerous position, so they have no choice but to protect the Party and themselves first. This is because in the end, they are not being fed by Chen, but by the voters who elect them. In comparison, Chen's son-in-law falls far short of Hu Jintao's daughter -- the difference between tens of millions of Taiwan Dollars (exchanges into million US dollars) and hundreds of billions of Yuan (exchanges into tens billions of US dollars). In autocratic countries, you cannot touch big thieves, but in democratic countries, you cannot even protect the small ones. Both are presidents. Both hold a great amount of power and live in a society of Chinese people. The difference between democracy and autocracy is so great. This is not a difference between people's quality, but because of the political systems. Democracy is simply better in this regard.
(Written in on June 2, 2006. Partially broadcasted by Radio Free Asia. The Wei Jingsheng Foundation is responsible for the accuracy of this version of the English translation.)
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中文版
Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A222-W113
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号：A222-W113
Release Date: August 19, 2006
发布日：2006年8月19日
Topic: Systematic Differences Revealed by Comparing June 4 to Taiwan's Presidential Scandal -- by Wei Jingsheng
标题： 从中国的六四到台湾总统府的丑闻 -- 魏京生
Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)
此号以中文为准（英文在前，中文在后）
如有中文乱码问题，请与我们联系或访问:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2006/report2006-08/WeiJS060819commemorating64A222-W113.htm
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从中国的六四到台湾总统府的丑闻
-- 魏京生
不久前，我们回顾了六四时发生的湖南三君子污损毛泽东画像的事件。从三君子被当时领导广场运动的学生扭送公安局这件事情上，可以看出当时指导运动的思想，是并不成熟的“只反贪官不反皇帝”的思想。是一种软弱的造反立场，用老百姓的讽刺说法，就叫做“跪着造反”。想造反还要跪着，请青天大老爷们、请皇上恩准造反。当然是个失败的策略。
有年轻的朋友说，哪会有这么傻的人呢？从理论上逻辑上分析，的确不应该有这么傻的人。但在现实中，受中国传统文化的影响，这种既忠君又造反的事例确实不少。它的心理状态有些像牛、马或者狗。一半是被压抑和被欺骗，一半是侥幸心理。总把那些奴役自己的人当做好人，对那些准备宰割自己的人存有侥幸心理。中国传统文化中的政治文化，充满了这种侥幸的奴化心理，并通过文艺作品广泛传播，引导着人们当顺民。当惯了顺民，就是造反也要跪着造，也会表现出这种顺民心态，就成了跪着造反。
跪着造反从两方面看都是错的。从跪着方面看，跪你就好好的跪吧，造什么反呢？造反的牛、马、狗都是最早该杀的，因为不符合跪着的规矩。但是没办法，人就是人，常常不能忍受奴役的对待。于是人性大发就造了反了。那造反你就好好的造吧，即造了反也就该知道造反的后果，别再幻想和奶奶妈妈撒个娇认个错就能蒙混过关。
但六四时期公开的政治要求，是让政府承认这不是造反，是帮助党改正错误。是幻想邓小平也像毛泽东一样，给他们这些造反派一个合法的地位，把他们三结合到官僚队伍中去。正是这种荒唐的企图和愿望，指导整个运动走上了歧途。从一开始发生，就是一个主动脱离人民和人民的愿望，没有明确方向的运动。这样的运动，当然不会有什么实际的结果。但是，公开把民主的口号广泛散播到人民的心里，是这场运动产生的最伟大的成果。
民主是好东西，人们从那时开始模模糊糊的感觉到了。虽然并不特别清楚，但埋下了希望的种子。六四以后这十七年专制腐败的飞速发展，在为89年播下的民主的种子施肥浇水。使民主的思想在百姓们的心中生根、开花、结果。现在中共也深深地感到了恐惧。从朱镕基到胡锦涛都切切实实的感觉到了，中共的腐败，才是中共最大的敌对势力。我相信他们是真心想消灭这个天敌，以求自保。但是中共的专制制度保证了反腐败的无效。我还要重复一句早已成为老生常谈的真理：绝对的权力带来和保证了绝对的腐败。胡锦涛的反腐败也只能堕落成为内部权力斗争，越反越腐败。
近日有消息报道。胡锦涛的女儿正伙同曾庆红的亲属，在深圳圈地圈钱，规模远超过他们的前辈，利润高达几千亿。谁能制止呢？没人能制止。即使胡温的个人品质比民主国家的政治家更大公无私，也制止不了。何况人都是有亲情的，我们不必指望人家大义灭亲。于是有很多朋友就悲观地说：这种事没办法杜绝。我看不见得，最近台湾的反腐风波，就证明了相反的结论。
陈水扁贵为总统，大权在握。有关他妻子儿女腐败的传闻，已沸沸扬扬地闹了几年。也有人循着旧例说：这种事儿没办法，也管不了。但最近情况不同了，反对党的中青年政治家们硬是不信这个邪。深挖狠追硬是搞出了真凭实据，把驸马爷送进了监狱。并且顺藤摸瓜直追到总统府，导致陈水扁的两名大助手下台。而且事情还没有完，民进党人也大喊要陈水扁下台，显示了民主与专制的根本不同。
是民进党不保自己人吗？不是。但在民主的制度下已经遮不住丑了。如果不反陈水扁的腐败，他们自己就危险了，所以只能先保党和自己。因为最终他们不是吃陈水扁的饭，而是选民决定他们是否当选。陈水扁女婿和胡锦涛的女儿比，差太远了，是几千万台币和几千亿人民币的差别。但在专制的中国你动不了大贼；在民主的中国你保不了小贼。虽然都是总统，都大权在握，也都是中国人的社会。民主和专制，差别就这么大。这不是人的素质的差别，是制度的差别。民主就好这么一点儿。
（于2006年6月2日。部分内容在自由亚洲电台播出。）
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