Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A222-W113



Release Date: August 19, 2006



Topic: Systematic Differences Revealed by Comparing June 4 to Taiwan's Presidential Scandal  -- by Wei Jingsheng

标题: 从中国的六四到台湾总统府的丑闻 -- 魏京生


Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)



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Systematic Differences Revealed by Comparing June 4 to Taiwan's Presidential Scandal -- Wei Jingsheng



Not long ago, we looked back at the incident where three noble men from Hunan sullied the portrait of Mao Zedong hanging over the TianAnMen Square during the June 4th, 1989, period.  From the fact these three men were captured by the students in charge of Tiananmen Square and turned over to the Public Security Bureau, we can see that the thinking of the movement at that time was a not-yet-mature concept of "opposing corrupt officials but not the emperor."  It is a weak form of rebellion, or as the common people sarcastically say, it is "rebelling while kneeling down."  You want to rebel, but you want to kneel down, too, while asking permission to rebel from the emperor.  Of course, this was a failed strategy.


I have some young friends who ask, "Where can you find such foolish people?"  If you analyze things through logic and principles, you will indeed feel that there should not be such foolish people.  But in reality, when people have been influenced too much by traditional Chinese culture, you see many instances of people both being rebels and loyalists.  Their mentalities are that of cattle, horses, or dogs.  One part of them feels oppressed and tricked, while the other part wants to take chance.  They always take those who enslave themselves to be good people, and wants to take chance towards those are going to slaughter them.  The political culture in Chinese traditional culture is full of this slave-like feeling of taking a chance, and by spreading broadly through works of arts, literature, in an effort of leading people to be obedient citizens.  After people are used to being obedient, even when they rebel, they do it while kneeling down, which reflect their obedient mental state.


Rebelling while kneeling down is wrong from two angles.  From the perspective of kneeling down, if you are going to kneel down, then do it well; why would you rebel?  The cattle, horses, and dogs that rebel would be the first to be slaughtered, as they do not follow the rules of obedient.  But there is nothing that can be done: human are human, and are often unable to deal with being treated like slaves.  Thus, when their human nature bursts out, they rebel.  So, if you are going to rebel, then do it well.  You should know the consequences of rebellion.  Do not hold any fantasies of being able to pass muster like you can with your mother or grandmother by admitting your mistakes after throwing a tantrum. 


But the publicized political demands of the June 4th period is to have the government recognize that this was not a rebellion and that it was to help the Communist Party correct its mistakes.  It was based on a fantasy that Deng Xiaoping was like Mao Zedong and that he would give the rebellious faction a legitimate status and integrate them into the rank of the bureaucracy.  It was precisely this ridiculous scheme and hope that led the entire democracy movement astray.  From the moment it started, the movement was one that actively departed from the people and their aspirations, and one that lacks clear direction.  Such a movement of course would be unable to achieve any real result.  But the movement did produce one greatest achievement, which was to publicly spread the word of democracy into the hearts of the people.


Democracy is a good thing, and people began to get a vague sense of this during that time.  Although they were not that clear about things, the seeds of hope had been planted.  The rapid development of autocratic corruption over the last 17 years since June 4th has fertilized and watered the seeds planted by the 1989 democracy movement.  The thought of democracy has taken root in people's hearts and bear fruit and flowers.  Nowadays, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has felt a deep sense of dread.  From Zhu Rongji to Hu Jintao, all came to clearly realize that the CCP's corruption is truly its worst enemy.  I believe that they sincerely wish to eliminate this natural enemy so as to save their own hides.  Yet the autocratic system of the CCP has ensured that opposing corruption is ineffective.  I would like to reiterate a commonly spoken truism: absolute power corrupts absolutely.  Hu Jintao's battle against corruption will only degenerate into internal power struggles -- the more he opposes it, the more corrupt things will become. 


A recent report said that Hu Jintao's daughter is working closely with the relatives of Vice-President Zeng Qinghong to scheme for real estate and money in Shenzhen.  The scope of what they are doing vastly outstrips that of their predecessors, and they are earning hundreds of billions of Yuan in profits.  Who can put a stop to this?  No one can.  Even if Hu Jintao's personal character were more just and fair than that of democratic political leaders, he still would be unable to put an end to it.  People hold endearment to their relatives, so we should not expect they voluntarily eliminating these relatives mercilessly.  Thus, many of our friends say pessimistically, "There is no way to put an end to this."  In my view, that is not necessarily true.  Taiwan's recent corruption scandal has proved the exact opposite conclusion.


As the President of Taiwan, Chen Shui-Bian holds a great amount of power in his hands.  News about his wife and daughter's corruption has caused a ruckus for years.  Some people hold old notions by saying, "There is nothing we can do about such things and we cannot control them."  But the situation recently has been different.  The younger politicians in the opposition party do not think this way, and have been leaving no stone unturned in their desire for a truthful report on the crisis.  The solid evidences they dig out have sent Chen's son-in-law to jail.  Their investigation has led them directly to the President's office, forcing two of Chen Shui-Bian's top aides to step down.  Moreover, the matter has yet to conclude, and many of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) members (which Chen Shui-Bian belongs to) are loudly calling for Chen to step down, which shows the fundamental difference between democracy and autocracy.


Is it that the DPP would not protect its own people?  No, it is not.  But you cannot conceal your wrongdoings in a democratic system.  If they do not oppose Chen's corruption, they themselves will be left in a dangerous position, so they have no choice but to protect the Party and themselves first.  This is because in the end, they are not being fed by Chen, but by the voters who elect them.  In comparison, Chen's son-in-law falls far short of Hu Jintao's daughter -- the difference between tens of millions of Taiwan Dollars (exchanges into million US dollars) and hundreds of billions of Yuan (exchanges into tens billions of US dollars).  In autocratic countries, you cannot touch big thieves, but in democratic countries, you cannot even protect the small ones.  Both are presidents.  Both hold a great amount of power and live in a society of Chinese people.  The difference between democracy and autocracy is so great.  This is not a difference between people's quality, but because of the political systems.  Democracy is simply better in this regard.



(Written in on June 2, 2006.  Partially broadcasted by Radio Free Asia.  The Wei Jingsheng Foundation is responsible for the accuracy of this version of the English translation.)



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Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A222-W113



Release Date: August 19, 2006



Topic: Systematic Differences Revealed by Comparing June 4 to Taiwan's Presidential Scandal  -- by Wei Jingsheng

标题: 从中国的六四到台湾总统府的丑闻 -- 魏京生


Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)









-- 魏京生



























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