Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A598-W366

魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号: A598-W366


Release Date: January 8, 2011



Topic: The Way Out for China (Part XXXI): 2010 Year-end Reviews -- Wei Jingsheng

标题: 《中国的出路》之三十一:2010年终评语 -- 魏京生


Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)



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The Way Out for China (Part XXXI): 2010 Year-end Reviews

-- Wei Jingsheng



Christmas is here and the year 2010 is ending.  Although in China there are not as many people who celebrate Christmas, it also is the year-end when many holidays and festivals occur.  Even people who do not care too much about politics check to see what big events had happened during the year.  More and more people are realizing that if China is not democratized, many problems will not get solved.  Especially, they realize that some big issues that everyone cares about have no solution until China is democratized.


So what has happened regarding democratization in China in the year 2010?  Well, Mr. Liu Xiaobo received the Nobel Peace Prize.  After the Dalai Lama and Mr. Gao Xingjian, Mr. Liu is the third Chinese to win the Nobel.  While the Chinese newspapers often boast about people such as Tsung-Dao Lee, Chen Ning Yang and others, they are not really Chinese nationals, but Chinese Americans in the strict sense.  So, many Chinese are proud of Liu's prize and think it is a major event in the Chinese democracy movement.


Traditionally, the Chinese government was sure to protest.  But this time, it only gave minimal verbal complaint.  Rather, on the same day of the Nobel Prize ceremony in Norway, it was announced that a Chinese state-owned oil company offered a Norwegian state-owned oil company a big contract worth hundreds of millions of dollars.  This cannot avoid arousing suspicion from the people.  Comments by the foreign media said the Nobel Prize did not really affect the Sino-Norwegian relationship.  These kinds of things indeed make some people feel hard to understand.


Sometimes, it is difficult to find an answer directly.  However, if we expand our scope, then it is easier to see it clearly.  Right before Liu received his Nobel Prize, there was a group in strong opposition against him.  They thought that Liu made false statements on the CCTV run by the Chinese Communist Party about the June 4 Massacre in 1989 and thus was able to exchange his own freedom without any charge against him.  After his release, Liu kept write articles to slander the 1989 TianAnMen democratic movement, and thus did not deserve the Nobel Peace Prize.  After Liu received his Nobel Prize, this debate has not subsided; rather is getting more intense.  More was exposed about Liu's anti-democratic speeches and behavior in the 1980's, including his well-known rhetoric that "China needs at least three hundred years of colonization." 


From the perspective of personality as an example, a person with his actions is tainted indeed and should not become a role model for people to learn from.  However, after all, Liu just won a prize, so after some criticism it should be over instead of becoming a big deal.  But two things caught my attention.  One is that some of Liu's defenders have gone too far, even beautifying Liu's stains as a flower in a style to make a god out of him.  The other is that some of them defend Liu's action of cooperating with the Chinese Communist authority.  They consciously push the responsibility of the June 4 massacre onto the students and citizens.


The whole world saw on television the Communist Party's army massacring the unarmed civilians with tanks and machine guns.  Now twenty some years have passed, yet there are some people who say: you do not have evidence; there was no bloodshed in Tiananmen Square; there is no evidence that people did die in Tiananmen Square.  This lie has reached such a height that even the Chinese Communist Party feels embarrassed.  Even the Communist regime admitted then that people died.  Is this simply a defense for Liu Xiaobo?  Or it is really a defense for the Communist Party and these butchers?


Furthermore, when defending Liu's behavior of compromise, surrender and defection, some people state that that the reason that the students and citizens were massacred in 1989 was because they did not cooperate with the authority's martial law as Liu had cooperated with the regime - "not cooperating with the regime, not subjecting to the tyranny of the regime, these people have only themselves to blame for their deaths."  This is simply defending the butchers.  Liu has become a model of cooperating with the executioners. 


As the Chinese proverb goes: pay attention to the tune of the speech and sound of the drum.  When the defense reaches such a degree, we should be able to understand what they intend.  They are not promoting peace, rationality and non-violence.  Instead they ask people to surrender themselves to the tyranny of the Communist Party.  When you are against the tyranny of the Communists, they label you as the "violent Boxer", and turn you into a target of their ridicule and jeers.  If you help the Communists,  you are their spiritual leader and a model of peace, rationality, and non-violence.  This is not "no-enemy", it is treating the people against the tyranny as enemy.  These people of "no-enemy" are less than the running dogs of the Communist Party.


No wonder there are people, in Chinese prison for more than a decade as "thugs" for protecting students in 1989, who were so sad when they heard the "no-enemy" speech at the Nobel Peace ceremony.  When they shed blood and made sacrifices for democracy and freedom back then, they knew their enemy was the tyranny of the Chinese Communist Party.  Without this enemy, why should they shed blood and make sacrifice?  But this Nobel Peace Prize destroyed their will of more than two decades and made them feel that their sacrifice is meaningless.  The road clearly pointed to for the Chinese people by the Nobel Peace Prize Committee of the Norwegian Parliament is exactly the same as the admonishment by Liu's defenders: sacrifice is totally meaningless, the only way out is to make compromises with these tyrants.


To say Liu’s defenders are people working for the Communist Party is a bit too much.  Most of them are just confused in their thoughts and unable to tell enemy from friends, like Mr. Dong Guo in the fable who would rather protect the wolf against hunters.  However, the people who are guiding the direction can only be undercover agents working in the favor of the Communists.  Besides these butchers and their accomplices, who is willing to defend the crimes that had already concluded?  To make something almost impossible to be successful can only be done by stakeholders, including the stakeholders in business dealings.


In the democratic camp in China, this difference has always existed.  People often say arguments with different opinions are normal.  Nevertheless, these differences come under abnormal and unequal conditions in China.  From the end of 1970's, the Communist Party has applied a strategy of attacking and destroying the opposition who would not exchange principles for compromise, while tolerating, encouraging, and even feeding a group of capitulators.  The result of this reversed elimination through selection has been the opinion of waiting for amnesty and pinning hopes on the Communist Party's self-improvement becoming the dominant mindset.  This is the historic lesson from the failure of the 1989 Tiananmen democratic movement.


Now, times are different and a variety of forces have undergone great changes.  Communist rulers have long abandoned ideals and theories that are meaningless, and transformed themselves into a party which believes money is the only thing has all the power.  Not only has the government reached paramount levels of corruption, but has also learned how to use the corruption in every corner of the world.  When kind people thinking the Chinese Communists naively, get cheated will not be the most terrible result.  Worse, historical tragedy and bloodshed will be repeated again.



To hear Mr. Wei Jingsheng's commentary, please visit:



(Written and recorded on December 23, 2010.  Broadcasted by Radio Free Asia.)



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Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A598-W366

魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号: A598-W366


Release Date: January 8, 2011



Topic: The Way Out for China (Part XXXI): 2010 Year-end Reviews -- Wei Jingsheng

标题: 《中国的出路》之三十一:2010年终评语 -- 魏京生


Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)









-- 魏京生























在中国的民主派阵营里,这个分歧始终都存在。人们常常说:有不同意见的争论是正常的。但是这种争论恰恰是在不正常、不平等的条件下进行的。从七十年代末开始,共产党就一方面打击 、消灭那些不拿原则作妥协的反抗者;同时容忍、鼓励甚至豢养一批投降派。这样逆向淘汰的结果,就是六四时等待招安,把希望寄托在共产党自我改良的意见,成为占主导地位的思想倾向。这就是1989年六四天安门运动失败的历史教训。















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