Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A618-W381

魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号: A618-W381


Release Date: March 19, 2011



Topic: The Political Reform of the Tibetan Government-in-exile -- Wei Jingsheng

标题:西藏流亡政府的政治改革 -- 魏京生


Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)



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The Political Reform of the Tibetan Government-in-exile

-- Wei Jingsheng



The Jasmine revolution in the Arabic countries is in full swing.  The most stubborn dictator, Libyan Colonel Gadhafi, took advantage of the Western petroleum companies' efforts to raise the oil price in trying to hold back the US' intervening in the situation in Libya.  His last ditch efforts may bring bad news to the petroleum market, yet have been unable to stop the tide of democracy in the Arab world.  When the petroleum prices reach a limiting height, even the Americans will not save this dictator's life.  After all, no one likes a dictator and no one can be against the will of the people for a long time.


Not long ago, the Chinese Jasmine Revolution tried out by some Chinese youths really frightened the Chinese Communist regime.  It ended with more military police being dispatched than the people who only tried to walk around in public areas.  The regime was really busy for a while, including sending helicopter patrols, and even blocking campuses, etc.  Most recently, at its so called People's Congress, the Communist regime even declared a so-called "principles of five no's", being "no to multi-party systems playing a role in power; no to the engagement of diversity regarding guidance of ideology; no to the independence of legislation/administration/supreme court and the bicameral system; no to federalization; no to privatization, and so on.


On the surface, it appears that the Chinese Jasmine Revolution has made the Communist regime even more unyielding to public calls, thus has been a failure.  But in reality, it is not.  This kind of unyielding, unreasonable attitude is exactly the precursor of the Communist regime's demise.  This abnormal measure of repression by the Communist regime reminds people to pay attention to the democratic revolution and declares that the Communist Party itself is already very fragile.  It has been even more effective than the instigation of the young people in telling the public a signal: China's Jasmine Revolution is indeed not far away.


At the time when the reactionaries within the Chinese Communist Party were walking towards a more authoritarian stage, the Tibetan government-in-exile will be holding a people's congress in their provisional capital in Dharamsala to elect their Prime Minister of the government-in-exile.  The Dalai Lama has already publicly announced that he will completely retreat from his status as a political leader and just remain the spiritual leader.  Now, the democratization of the Tibetan government-in-exile has entered an important era.


Because of the information blockade in Mainland China, many of our friends do not understand Tibet's history and political institutions.  Due to the distorted propaganda of the Communist Party, they think that the Dalai Lama is the head of serfdom.  In fact, if they thought more carefully, they would know it is not true.  The Tibetans-in-exile are not serfs, but free men scattered around the world.  Then why are Tibetans still united around the Dalai Lama and yet firmly uphold the authority of the government-in-exile?  A head of serfdom cannot do that.


The first reason the Tibetan people are united around the Dalai Lama is due to their beliefs.  We all know that the Tibetans believe in Tibetan Lamaism.  Therefore, this common belief becomes the cornerstone for the Tibetans' unity against tyrants.  Although the Chinese Communist Party could drive the Tibetans away from their homeland, it could not drive the faith out of these people's hearts.  This is one reason the Communist Party will fail inevitably.


Because of historical evolution and the difficulty of living in exile, although the Tibetan government-in-exile had reformed long ago into a structure of a democratic government, however, due to the high prestige of the Dalai Lama, this democratic government was still operating in a way that gives the Dalai Lama or his representatives the final say.  In fact, it retains a structure of unification of the belief and the government, thus also having a lot of shortcomings which are not democratic.  Not only is the will of the people not fully respected and the efficiency of bureaucracy reduced, but also there is a huge space for bad elements who betray the interests of Tibetans and who are the objects of the Chinese Communist united front.  The result is that the unification directly impedes Tibetan ethnic and democratic development.


More than 20 years ago, the Dalai Lama and Tibetans-in-exile were already profoundly aware of the various ills of an undemocratic structure, and thus proposed goals of reform.  After more than twenty years of deliberation, they finally completed the first step of the reform objectives.  Thereby, they are going to walk out of the shadow of the unification of belief and government, by implementing a form of separation of church and politics.  This model will remove the personal influence of the Dalai Lama completely, while governing by a directly elected leader by the people.  This state structure is similar to the European constitutional monarchies, one of the two typical democratic systems.


In the past, when the democratic system was incomplete within the Tibetan government-in-exile, not only could the Chinese Communists use it to advantage to engage its "united front" conspiracy, but also the system itself had a lack of competitiveness, in a way of six a one, half a dozen the other relative to the one party dictatorship of the Communist Party.  It was lacking more appeal to the Tibetan people.  As many of the Tibetans said: the past serfdom and the present commune are about the same.  The primary drive for the Tibetans against the Communist tyranny was their religious beliefs.


The Tibetan government-in-exile after reform will have a totally different competitive appeal.  What attracts people more than their religion is the social system of democracy and freedom.  People's rights and interests are living pillars as important as the people's faith.  In the hearts of the Tibetan people, the Tibetan government-in-exile will not be just the pillar of belief, but also a pillar of survival.  If we rate their battle with the Chinese Communists in the past five decades as a tie, then in the coming years the Chinese Communist one-party dictatorship will lose competitiveness completely, and will fail in the battles ahead.


Tibetan people will no longer say that serfs and commune members are similar.  In front of them is a life of freedom that might be not so clear, yet expectable and reachable, which is similar to what the people in the Western world have.  This kind of comparison is very simple in the eye of average folk: should we continue the life of a serf under the Chinese Communist Party or be people with freedom?  When you do the comparison, the answer is clear.


In the past, the main enemy the Chinese Communist officials in charge of Tibet faced was the religion.  They suppressed the religious forces in Tibet and made the so-called religious separatist propaganda to the Han Chinese.  Now, it is different.  Repression of religious belief is not only ineffective, but now faces a more attractive opponent given that every human being is born with a freedom-loving mentality.  Chinese Communists could not answer this kind of question: because you are not willing to give us the democratic and free life that we are yearning to have, why do not you let us be independent?  This time you see that it is the one-party dictatorship of the Chinese Communist Party that is creating a split.


The reform of the Tibetan government-in-exile sets a goal for all the Tibetans to pursue.  This is the root magic to win a victory against the authoritarian tyranny, to protect Tibetan's culture, and to develop Tibetan's economy.



To hear Mr. Wei Jingsheng's commentary, please visit:



(Written and recorded on March 11, 2011.  Broadcasted by Radio Free Asia.)



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Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A618-W381

魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号: A618-W381


Release Date: March 19, 2011



Topic: The Political Reform of the Tibetan Government-in-exile -- Wei Jingsheng

标题:西藏流亡政府的政治改革 -- 魏京生


Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)









-- 魏京生








































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