Wei
Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A749-W475
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号： A749-W475
Release
Date: February 3, 2013
发布日：2013年2月3日
Topic:
The Way Out for China (Part LXX): Peasant Issue Is Always a Big Issue in China
-- Wei Jingsheng
标题：《中国的出路》之七十：农民问题是中国的一大问题 -- 魏京生
Original
Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)
此号以中文为准（英文在前，中文在后）
Note:
Please use "Simplified Chinese (GB2312)" encoding to view the Chinese
parts of this release. If this
mail does not display properly in your email program, please send your request
for special delivery to us or visit:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2013/report2013-02/WeiJS130203ChinaWayOut70peasantsA749-W475.htm which
contains identical information.
-----------------------------------------------------------------
The
Way Out for China (Part LXX): Peasant Issue Is Always a Big Issue in China --
Wei Jingsheng
The
peasant issue has always been a big issue in China. Why do I call this the "peasant" issue instead of
the "rural" issue? First
of all, the so-called rural society is composed chiefly of peasants. The peasants are the principle part of
these smaller societies. However,
each peasant is a separate individual, and besides the social issues, has his
or her own personal and family matters that are not necessary social. Thus it is a peasant issue, instead of
a rural issue.
Second,
since the Chinese Communist Party took over the power it has fixed everyone's
identity according to the Western tradition of serfdom. The peasants are fixed as the rural
members with least rank, as distinguished from ordinary city residents,
intellectuals, and official classes.
Unless they go through complex procedures with harsh requirements, most
peasants find it very difficult to change their identities to get the same
treatment as other citizens. Thus
the Chinese peasants, the group that comprises the majority population in
China, is on the bottom of the caste system.
Third,
a lot of the rural population has become the main source of labor in the urban
industrial and service sector in recent decades. The result is that the past inequalities of the social
status between urban and rural China have changed into class inequalities
within the city. Therefore, it is
no longer an issue in the rural society, but a peasant issue in the entire
Chinese society.
During
the Mao Zedong era, most of the peasants' issues were still problems in rural
areas, and concerned the economic distribution issue in China for the peasant
class as a whole. At that time,
the legal status of the inequality problem was not particularly prominent. For the peasants themselves (really
only a small portion of them) the issue was only about how to be able to get a
city "HuKou" (a household registration in the city), and thus change
the status of the individuals and families. The availability of HuKous basically had no impact on rural
or urban societies, and was not a serious problem. It was only an issue that made a few people anxious and
eventually affected only a small number of them. It did not affect the overall situation.
Now
it is different. Since young girls
from the countryside went to the cities to work as nannies in the 1980's, this
migratory class has been in formation.
Rural manual labor went to the cities in the 1990's, gradually becoming
the main source of labor for industrial development. Especially in some coastal areas and larger cities, the
development of industry and commerce not only caused the peasant workers in the
cities to become a major source of industrial labor, it also made them an
important supplementary source for local agricultural labor.
Under
such circumstances, the problem of unequal class status has become quite
serious, which has already caused a variety of social problems and even serious
conflicts. Early in 2012, there
was the massive provincial conflict in Guangdong Province. That was the result of the social inequalities
of the class system. On the
surface, it was due to localism in Guangdong that caused conflicts attributed
to discrimination against people from other provinces. However, Guangdong has been a society
that traditionally discriminated against outsiders. Ever since the occurrence of large-scale massacres against
foreigners during the Tang Dynasty, it has not had such a large-scale
xenophobic event for over a thousand years.
Why? That was because after the xenophobic
massacres during the Tang Dynasty, the authorities learned a lesson and started
a policy of class equality that was the same as in other areas. On one hand, the authority no longer
gave special preferential treatment and legal status to the businessmen of
foreign nationalities; on the other hand, the authority dispersed those
foreigners who were relatively affluent yet with different customs than the
locals to different provinces.
Thus they avoided a large-scale conflict between the local residents and
the foreigners that might otherwise have happened due to class and culture when
the foreign settlement reached to certain size.
The
present situation is slightly different than the Tang Dynasty, but more
serious. Now, there are a large
number of people of the same culture but different class status living in the
same area. The unequal legal
status results in some people been discriminated against, oppressed and
exploited by some other people.
But both groups are not the absolute minority. This situation is sufficient to cause serious social
problems, even serious conflicts.
Once the conflicts break out, it will be far more than a local problem
in the Tang Dynasty, and become the fuse for the outbreak of the collective
social contradictions in China.
Today,
as the Chinese bureaucratic capitalists exploit the working class generally,
they exploit and oppress the working class from the countryside with even lower
social status even more. A large
portion of the excess profits that they deliver to the western capitalists
comes from this peasant class that is exploited and oppressed the most. Therefore, maintaining this class with
unequal legal status is making a slave-like competitor to the urban working
people, which is useful to the big Chinese and foreign capitalists to obtain an
even cheaper labor. It is in line
with the interests of Chinese and foreign capitalists, and thus has their joint
support.
On
the other hand, maintaining two different working classes with different
interests through legal and systematic means, inciting discord between these
two classes via unequal competition, using some people to suppress and combat
with other people, using the strategy of division of the people as a way to
rule them, has been the Communist Party's ruling strategy inherited from the
Mao Zedong era. Human beings are
not perfect; they have a lot of congenital bad traits inherited from the animal
stage. When some Cantonese have
their opportunity to discriminate and exploit outsiders, they will have a
pleasure that is not so noble.
When that pleasure receives the support from the authorities, these
people may even become proud and arrogant and thus increase their support of
unfair politics.
Those
outsiders who are forced into that unfair position not only have low social
status but also are not the majority in their numbers. Their legal status, their political
status, their economic status, and almost all other aspects are not
dominant. Under the joint
suppression of both the authority and the majority of the local people, these
outsiders have only one thing to be dominant; that is to provide even cheaper
labor. So they have to use their
only advantage to get the living space.
The result is that the labor price of the urban residents also becomes
cheap goods in this competition.
Although
artificially producing two huge classes of inequalities through its policies is
an effective tool for the Communist Party to maintain authoritarian rule, it
has divided the society into two major parts with opposed interests. In particular, these two conflicting
classes are mixed living in the same territory. This situation is bound to have serious social conflicts, or
unrest that leads to collapse during the social crisis.
In
history, the societies that finally disintegrated all lurked with similar
hidden danger. The reason that
Chinese society could remain intact to survive as a whole, after more than
2,000 years of various separations and reunions, is closely related to the
class harmony in China resulting from a legal system of equality for all the
people. Not only in China, the
stability and indivisibility of modern Western society is also derived from a
legal system of equality for all, and thus resulting the weakening of class
antagonisms. So freedom, equality,
and a legal system for equality are fundamental conditions for a long period of
peace and order for a society.
To
hear Mr. Wei Jingsheng's related commentary, please visit:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/RFA/RFA2012/WeiJS120914ChinaWayOut70peasants.mp3
(Written
and recorded on September 14, 2012.
Broadcasted by Radio Free Asia.)
-----------------------------------------------------------------
This
is a message from WeiJingSheng.org
The
Wei Jingsheng Foundation and the Overseas Chinese Democracy Coalition are
dedicated to the promotion of human rights and democratization in China. We appreciate your assistance and help
in any means. We pledge solidarity
to all who struggle for human rights and democratic governance on this
planet.
You
are welcome to use or distribute this release. However, please credit with this foundation and its website
at: www.weijingsheng.org
Although
we are unable to afford to pay royalty fees at this time, we are seeking your
contribution as well. You may send
your articles, comments and opinions to: HCP@weijingsheng.org. Please remember, only in text files,
not in attachments.
For
website issues and suggestions, you may contact our professional staff and web
master at: webmaster@Weijingsheng.org
To
find out more about us, please also visit our websites at: www.WeiJingSheng.org
and www.ChinaLaborUnion.org for news and information for Overseas Chinese
Democracy Coalition and human rights and democracy movement as whole,
especially our Chinese Labor Union Base.
You
may contact Ciping Huang at: HCP@Weijingsheng.org or
Wei
Jingsheng Foundation office at: 1-202-270-6980
Wei
Jingsheng Foundation's postal address is:
Wei
Jingsheng Foundation, P. O. Box 15449, Washington, DC 20003, USA
You
are receiving this message because you had previous shown your interest in
learning more about Mr. Wei Jingsheng and the Chinese Democratic Movement. To be removed from the list, simply
reply this message and use "unsubscribe" as the Subject. Please allow us a few days to process
your request.
*****************************************************************
中文版
Wei
Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A749-W475
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号： A749-W475
Release
Date: February 3, 2013
发布日：2013年2月3日
Topic:
The Way Out for China (Part LXX): Peasant Issue Is Always a Big Issue in China
-- Wei Jingsheng
标题：《中国的出路》之七十：农民问题是中国的一大问题 -- 魏京生
Original
Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)
此号以中文为准（英文在前，中文在后）
如有中文乱码问题，请与我们联系或访问:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2013/report2013-02/WeiJS130203ChinaWayOut70peasantsA749-W475.htm
-----------------------------------------------------------------
《中国的出路》之七十：农民问题是中国的一大问题
-- 魏京生
农民问题始终是中国的一大问题。为什么说农民问题而不是说农村问题呢？首先是因为所谓的农村，就是由农民组成的社会。农民是这些小社会的主体；而每一个农民又是单独的个体。除了社会的问题之外，还有他们个人和家庭的事情，不完全是社会的事情。所以应该说是农民问题，而不仅仅是农村问题。
另一方面，由于中国共产党执政以来，按照西方农奴制的传统，把所有人的身份固定下来。农民被固定成为待遇最低的农村成员，以区别于城市普通居民和知识分子官员阶层。除非经过复杂和条件苛刻的手续，大多数农民很难改变身份获得和其他公民同等的待遇。这就使得他们这个在中国占人口大多数的群体，成为这个社会中最底层的贱民阶级。
第三个方面，是因为很多的农村人口，最近几十年来进入城市，成为城市工业和服务业劳动力的主要来源。这就把过去在城市和农村之间的不平等社会地位，变成了城市中的阶级不平等。所以这不再是农村社会的问题，而是整个中国社会的农民问题。
在毛泽东时代，农民问题的大部分还是农村社会的问题，和农民阶级整体在中国经济中的分配问题。法律地位的不平等问题不是特别地突出。但是对农民来说，或者说对一小部分农民来说，只是一个如何能够弄到城市户口，改变个人和家庭身份地位的问题。这对农村和城市的社会基本没什么影响，不是一个严重的问题。或者说只是一个让少数人焦虑，最终也只影响少数人的问题。并不影响大局。
现在不同了。自从八十年代大量的小保姆进城之后，这个阶级就在形成之中。九十年代进城的农村劳动力，逐渐成为工业发展的主要劳动力来源。特别是在一些沿海地区和大城市，工商业的发展使得进城的农民不但成为工商业劳动力的主要来源，甚至成为当地农业劳动力的重要补充来源。
在这种形势下，阶级地位不平等的问题就成为一个严重的问题，已经引起了严重的社会问题，甚至严重的冲突。今年在广东省发生的大规模省籍冲突，就是这个社会不平等的阶级制度的结果。表面上看，是广东这个地方主义严重的社会，对外省籍的人士进行歧视引起的冲突。可是广东是一个传统上就歧视外地人的社会。从唐朝发生大规模屠杀外国人的事件以后，至今一千多年来也没有发生过这么大规模的排外事件。
为什么呢？因为唐朝发生了大规模的排外屠杀事件之后，当局吸取了教训，开始实行和其它地区相同的阶级平等政策。一方面不再给与外国籍商人特殊的优惠和法律待遇；另一方面将相对富裕而又和当地人习俗不同的外国人分散定居在不同的省份。从而避免他们大量聚居到一定的程度，不可避免地造成和当地居民之间因为阶级和文化的原因，产生大规模的冲突。
现在的情况和唐朝的时候略有不同，但是更加严重。现在是有大量文化相同但阶级地位不同的人，聚居在相同的地区。法律地位的不平等造成了一部分人被另一部分人歧视、压迫和剥削。而这两部分人都不是绝对的少数。这就足以造成严重的社会问题，甚至严重的冲突。一旦爆发起来，将会远远超过唐朝的局部问题，成为社会矛盾总爆发的导火索。
现在中国的官僚资产阶级，在大幅度剥削劳动阶级的同时，对这些来自农村的社会地位更低的劳动阶级的剥削和压迫更深一层。他们向西方资本输送的超额利润，很大一部分来自这个受剥削和压迫最深重的农民阶级。所以维持这个法律地位不平等的阶级，就是给城市劳动人民制造了一个像奴隶一样的竞争者，有利于中外大资本获得更加低廉的劳动力价格。这符合中外资本的利益，也就得到了他们联合的支持。
另外一方面，用法律和制度的手段维持两个利益不同的劳动者阶级，挑拨他们之间的不平等的竞争，利用一部分人去压制和打击另一部分人，分而制之，这是从毛泽东时代延续下来的统治策略。人本身不是完美的，有很多从动物时代延续下来的劣根性。当一些广东人有机会歧视和剥削外省人的时候，他们的内心会产生不那么高尚的快感。当这种快感得到官方支持的时候，他们甚至会因此而有那么几分骄傲和自豪，并且会因此而加大对不公平政治的支持。
而那些被迫处于不公平地位的外地人，不但社会地位低下，而且人数上也不占多数。在法律地位、政治地位、经济地位和其它几乎所有方面都不占优势。在官方联合本地多数人的压迫之下，他们只有一样东西占优势，就是更加廉价的劳动力。于是他们只得利用自己这个唯一的优势来获取生存空间。结果是城市居民的劳动力价格也只能在这种竞争下变为廉价货。
人为地通过政策制造出两个巨大的不平等的阶级，虽然是共产党用来维持专制统治的有效工具，但是却将社会分裂成为利益对立的两大部分，而且是混合居住在相同地域内的两个矛盾的阶级。这种状况必将带来严重的社会冲突，或者在产生社会危机的时候造成崩溃性的动乱。
在历史上，最终分崩离析的社会都潜藏着类似的巨大隐患。而中国社会历经两千多年和各种聚散离合，却能够保持完整无缺地生存下来，和人人平等的法律制度给中国社会带来的阶级和谐，有着极其密切的关系。不但是中国，西方现代社会的稳定和不可分割，也正是来源于他们的人人平等的法律制度，和由此而来的阶级对立的弱化。所以说，自由平等和人人平等的法律体系，是社会长治久安的根本条件。
聆听魏京生先生的相关录音，请访问：
http://www.weijingsheng.org/RFA/RFA2012/WeiJS120914ChinaWayOut70peasants.mp3
（撰写并录音于2012年9月14日。自由亚洲电台播出。）
-----------------------------------------------------------------
魏京生基金会及中国民主运动海外联席会议以推动中国的人权与民主为己任。
我们欢迎任何形式的帮助与贡献。我们愿与世界上为人权与民主而奋斗的人们一起努力。
我们希望您能够帮助我们散发我们的资料。但请标明出处与我们的网址：www.weijingsheng.org
欢迎投稿（暂无稿费）或批评建议，请寄信箱：
HCP@WEIJINGSHENG.ORG
魏京生基金会通讯地址：
Wei
Jingsheng Foundation, P. O. Box 15449, Washington, DC 20003, USA
电话： 1-202-270-6980
魏京生基金会网址：WWW.weijingsheng.org
中国民主运动海外联席会议及中国团结工会的网址为：www.ChinaLaborUnion.org
阁下之所以收到本信，是因为阁下以前曾表示有兴趣了解魏京生先生和中国民主运动。
倘若阁下希望不再收到类似信息，请回复本信并用 unsubscribe 作为主题(Subject)。