Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A779-W497

魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号: A779-W497

 

Release Date: September 22, 2013

发布日:2013年9月22日

 

Topic: The Boundaries of Free Speech in China -- Wei Jingsheng

标题:言论自由的界限 -- 魏京生

 

Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)

此号以中文为准(英文在前,中文在后)

 

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The Boundaries of Free Speech in China

-- Wei Jingsheng

 

 

Recently, in response to the call by the Communist leader Xi Jinping, the Chinese government launched an Internet clean-up campaign.  It has just begun, yet its scale is almost the same as the Cultural Revolution.  However, even at the beginning of the Cultural Revolution, there were no cases when the police grabbed people and put them in jail.  At that time, what they did was to use the guise of sophistry to cover up their unreasonableness, and then gradually developed into being fully unreasonable.  It was so shy to be unreasonable then, so they had to use the excuse of "people seize the bad guys and turn them in" to be lawless.  It was not like now, where they break the law in the open. 

 

Xi Jinping's action of turning the clock back has received sudden attention not just within China, but even the world.  Various foreign media have given him bad reviews, even including some media that are pretty pro-Communist.  Why is this?  Probably it could be described by the old Chinese proverb: "When the rabbits get killed, even the foxes are sad and scared."  Besides a few hawks working for the Communist regime, the people who work in the media industry and others active in the media, have an instinctive antipathy against incrimination due to speech.

 

Why this instinctive antipathy?  We can put ourselves in their shoes as media persons or writers.  When they cannot write articles or make comments on the Internet freely, when they have to examine their own words carefully and make sure their writings will not offend someone, even to result in jail time, would not they feel awkward?  Would not they feel disgusted?  How could people to write about truth?  How could they write good articles?

 

So these writers will instinctively dislike censorship, while these officials do it.  This newly relaunched censorship movement by Xi Jinping is the strengthening of the Communist autocracy in China.  This is also the instinct of all authoritarian rulers, and is not just limited to a cultural tyranny movement.

 

Looking back in history, we will find that not only the notorious dictators such as Mao Zedong and Adolf Hitler, but even bullies of small potatoes will find some grounds that look quite reasonable when they do evil.  This time the cultural tyranny movement began with a cleansing of the Internet, even though the reasons seem to be reasonable.  Since ancient times for thousands of years now, starting rumors have been the most sinister means, but also an evil act that the people hate most.

 

However, a lot of people in this world are afraid of this "however".  However, is this cleansing of Internet rumors by the Communist regime really safeguarding the public interest?  When we look at it closely, it just does not look so.  To talk about "rumors", we know that the Communist Party itself has been making them for decades, without worrying that it could make the sky fall.  Why doesn't the regime start its cleansing with these biggest and most evil rumors first, rather than charge some middle school students as guilty?

 

To be more arrogant than Mao Zedong then, now the Communist regime also made "spreading the rumors" into a crime.  The people who spread stories would think these "rumors" to be real, and do so just out of curiosity.  An Old Chinese saying goes as: "For those who do not know, it is not a crime."  However, now, even these who do not know become criminals.  Which kind of logic is this?  This suppression of speech is much more severe than the scale of the Cultural Revolution era, and could be compared with the way of incriminated people of rumors by King Zhou You more than two thousand years ago.

 

In all the societies of ancient and modern times there have been many laws and institutions to guard against rumors in an effort to stop them.  The challenge is how to define what is rumor.  The original meaning of the word "rumor" in Chinese was the information and argument spread among the folks.  Some of this information and argument could be accurate, while others might not be.  Some could be justified, while other might be baseless.  Some could be harmful to the people, while others are trivial.  If all the "rumors" could be used to punish, then people have to seal their mouths with tape.

 

Many countries already have a lot of relevant laws, such as the laws regarding reputation infringement, invasion of privacy, and so on that are clearly defined to protect people's rights.  And in accordance with the practice in most countries, government officials and celebrities get relatively low degrees of protection.  This is because they are too close to the powerful and are the least likely to be violated, rather than the average person who is more likely to be easily violated.

 

I remember one time that a group of reporters surrounded Dr. Henry Kissinger and me while we had conversations in a public place.  While he was expelling these reporters, Dr. Kissinger said: "We are just ordinary people and this is a private conversation.  If you do not leave, I will sue you."  There was also a similar event during a conversation between President Chen Shui-bian of Taiwan and me.  These left me deep impressions about the officials' protection.

 

However, the Internet rumor cleanup movement by Xi Jinping does not have the intention of protecting the people from the very beginning.  Further, the Communist media clearly stated that the target of this movement is to punish any rumors against the government and officials.  And the use of the charges was not for clearly defined offenses, but the vague concept of "rumors".  By now we should also understand that this is an ulterior motive.

 

It was not for the protection of people's human rights.  This is unmistakably protecting officials' rights while violating civil rights.  The regime is quietly swapping the concept to mislead people that it is protecting human rights and to avoid the harm of malicious rumors.  In fact it is clearly protecting the officials, and their illegal rights to avoid their corruptions being exposed.

 

The Communist Party proposed a ridiculous reason, saying that the Internet rumor is like the big posters during the Cultural Revolution.  That tune made these big posters to be false.  This is really cheating the middle aged and young generations of Chinese who did not experience the Cultural Revolution and do not know the truth.  The big posters back then were just as the free speech now on the Internet - it was impossible for all the writings with every word to tell the truth.

 

But most of the posters at that time had indeed revealed corruption and lawlessness of bureaucrats.  This was also the reason that Mao Zedong was able to overthrow the bureaucratic class successfully by the big poster movement.  The bureaucratic class that was restored in the 1980's of course extremely hated these posters.  That was because indeed the posters violated their lawless authoritarian official rights, and indeed violated their "privacy" of lawlessness and suppression against the average people.  They did not yet have the guts to say that the whistleblowers from these posters were all false.

 

This generation of Xi Jinping does indeed have more guts and more shamelessness than their parents.  They dare to assume that the posters from the Cultural Revolution were all false, all rumors.  Then they used this assumption as a basis to alluding online speech as rumors and lies against the government and officials.  This purpose of protecting the bureaucratic bourgeoisie is too obvious.  The posture of protecting one-party dictatorship, instead of protecting the human rights of the people is too clever.  Their approach of deceiving first and then substitution could be rated as perfection.

 

When Xi Jinping just took power, he hypocritically said that he would lock the power into a cage.  I guess it was the reporters made it wrong: what he meant was to lock people's basic rights into a cage.  Only this way, the Communist bureaucratic bourgeoisie is protected.

 

 

To hear Mr. Wei Jingsheng's related commentary, please visit:

http://www.weijingsheng.org/RFA/RFA2013/WeiJS130920FreeSpeech.mp3

 

(Written and recorded on September 20, 2013.  Broadcasted by Radio Free Asia.)

 

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中文版

 

Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A779-W497

魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号: A779-W497

 

Release Date: September 22, 2013

发布日:2013年9月22日

 

Topic: The Boundaries of Free Speech in China -- Wei Jingsheng

标题:言论自由的界限 -- 魏京生

 

Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)

此号以中文为准(英文在前,中文在后)

 

如有中文乱码问题,请与我们联系或访问:

http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2013/report2013-09/WeiJS130922FreeSpeechA779-W497.htm

 

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言论自由的界限

-- 魏京生

 

 

最近中共在习近平的号召下,发动了一场清理网络的运动。才刚刚开始,动静就和文革时期差不多了。即使文革刚开始的时候,也没有动用警察把人抓进监狱,而是在讲理的表面掩盖下强词夺理;逐步发展到不讲理;甚至还羞羞答答的以群众扭送为理由无法无天。那时也不敢像现在这样,公然违法乱纪。

 

习近平的开历史倒车,一下子就轰动了不仅是全国,而且轰动了全世界。各国媒体都有恶评,甚至一些相当亲共的媒体也没有什么好评。为什么这样?可能是兔死狐悲吧。除了少数的朝廷鹰犬之外,从事媒体行业的人和在媒体上活跃的人,对于因言入罪都会有一种本能的反感。

 

为什么会是本能的反感呢?大家可以设身处地地为媒体人,或者说码字儿的人们想象一下。你在写文章的时候,或者在网络上汪洋恣肆地评论任何事情的时候,时不时的要回过头来看看哪些文字会得罪了谁,弄不好还得进监狱。你别扭不别扭呢?恶心不恶心呢?这让人还怎么能写出心里话?怎么能写出好文章呢?

 

所以,码字的人都会本能地反感审查制度,而当官的人都会喜欢审查制度。习近平重新掀起文字狱制度的运动,就是共产党专制体制的强化。这也是所有专制统治者的本能,而不仅仅是文化专制运动。

 

回头看看历史就会发现,不仅是毛泽东、希特勒这些大独裁者,就是小的溜的恶霸们在作恶的时候,都会找些看上去挺合理的理由。这次文化专制运动从网络清理运动开始,而清理网络的理由听上去确实还有些道理。造谣是自古以来几千年最阴损的手段之一,也是人们深恶痛绝的恶行之一,就像过街老鼠一样人人喊打。

 

但是,这个世界上的很多事情就怕但是。但是中共治理网络谣言真的是维护大众的利益吗?怎么看,怎么都不像。要说谣言,中共自己几十年如一日,任凭风吹雨打都不怕地造谣。怎么不说从这些最大最恶的谣言开始清理,反倒是把些个中学生入了罪呢?

 

比毛泽东还牛气的是,居然把传播谣言也入了罪。传播者往往只是看着像真的,出于好奇而已。古语云不知者不为罪,如今成了不知者也有罪。这是什么逻辑?这比文革时钳制言论的尺度要严厉得多,和两千多年前以谣言诽谤入罪的周幽王有得一拼。

 

古今中外的所有社会都想制止谣言,也制订出了很多的法律和制度来防范谣言。难就难在如何界定什么是谣言。谣言的本来含义是民间传播的信息和说法。有些准确,有些不准确;有些有根据,有些没根据;有些损人,有些无关紧要。如果统统都拿来治罪,所有人都只好嘴巴上贴封条了。

 

各国早就有很多相关的法律,如侵犯名誉权、侵犯隐私权等等界定明确的法律,来保护人们的权利。而且按照大多数国家的惯例,对官员和名人的保护程度相对较低。这是因为他们离权势太近,最不容易被侵犯;而不像老百姓那样容易被侵犯。

 

记得有一次我和基辛格博士在公众场合谈话,被一群记者围堵。基辛格博士在驱赶记者的时候说:我们现在都是普通老百姓,这是私人谈话,如果你们不离开我可以去法庭告你们。陈水扁当总统之前我们有一次谈话也发生了类似的场面。我对官员不受保护有了深刻的印象。

 

可是习近平的清理网络谣言运动,从一开始就没发现有保护老百姓的意思。甚至共产党的媒体明确说是要惩罚针对政府和官员的谣言。而且使用的罪名不是界定明确的罪名,而是概念模糊的谣言这个名词。看到这儿我们大家也应该明白,这是醉翁之意不在酒。

 

这哪里是在保护老百姓的人权。这是在明白无误地保护官权,侵犯民权。用偷换概念的手法让老百姓相信是在保护人权,免受恶意谣言的侵害。实际上则是在赤裸裸地保护官权,保护贪官污吏免受揭发的非法权利。

 

他们提出来一个很可笑的理由,说是网络谣言就像文革时的大字报,那口气好像文革时的大字报说的全是假的。这是欺负中青年一代人没经过文革不了解真相。大字报就像现在的网络言论一样自由,其中不可能全都是真相,全都字字是真理。

 

但是大多数大字报确实揭露了当时就已经贪污腐化、违法乱纪的官僚们。这也是毛泽东能够成功地借助大字报运动打倒官僚阶级的原因。八十年代复辟的官僚阶级当然极端痛恨大字报,这确实侵犯了他们无法无天的专制的官权,也确实妨碍了他们违法乱纪、欺压良善的隐私。但他们还没胆量说大字报的揭发全是假的。

 

习近平这一代人确实比他们的父辈更有胆量,更无耻。他们居然敢假设文革时期的大字报全是假的,全是谣言。然后以此为根据影射网络言论也是谣言,是针对政府和官员的假话。这个保护官僚资产阶级的目的不是太明显了嘛。这个保护一党专政,而不是保护老百姓人权的身段不是太巧妙了嘛。他们瞒天过海,然后再偷梁换柱的手法可以说是炉火纯青了。

 

习近平刚上台时假惺惺地说什么把权力关进笼子里。其实是记者听错了一个字;是把老百姓的基本权利关进笼子里。这样才能保障他们官僚资产阶级的江山。

 

 

聆听魏京生先生的相关录音,请访问:

http://www.weijingsheng.org/RFA/RFA2013/WeiJS130920FreeSpeech.mp3

 

(撰写并录音于2013年9月20日。自由亚洲电台播出。)

 

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