Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A782-W498

魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号： A782-W498

Release Date: October 26, 2013

发布日：2013年10月26日

Topic: The Overseas Chinese Democracy Coalition Issues a Manifesto for the Democracy Revolution in China -- Wei Jingsheng

标题：中国民主运动海外联席会议发出革命的檄文 -- 魏京生

Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)

此号以中文为准（英文在前，中文在后）

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The Overseas Chinese Democracy Coalition Issues a Manifesto for the Democracy Revolution in China

-- Wei Jingsheng

On October 5 and 6 of this year, the Overseas Chinese Democracy Coalition held its 11th Congress in Nashville, the State Capitol of Tennessee in the USA. More than 30 democratic colleagues from across the USA, Europe, Asia, and the Oceania represented different Chinese democracy organizations participated this conference.

The Chinese democracy organizations included: the Chinese Alliance for Democracy, the Chinese Democratic Front, the Chinese Liberal and Democracy Party, and the National Committee of the Chinese Democracy Party, as well as some non-partisan democrats and new-brand Marxists. Together, we worked with each other and discussed our observation of the current situation in China and the responsibilities of the Chinese democrats.

There were two differences in this conference in comparison with previous ones. The first was that we tried to concentrate on the urgent issues within China in a limited time, so this time we did not invite the democratic representatives from the neighboring Asian countries, or representatives of religious and ethnic minorities. The second was that in order to expand the scope of the united front, we intentionally invited representatives from the left who are not anti-communism, yet also advocate democratic reform in China.

Regarding this invitation of the representatives from the left, there was a little debate. Many people think that the people on the left are the same Marxists as one finds in the Communist Party, and are in opposition to the universal value of democracy, freedom, and human rights. Thus, they felt that there was no need to invite these representatives to attend and waste everyone's time. However, other people think that as long as they agree with the values of democracy, both left and right sides should all be counted as democrats. We should not put an equal sign in between the Leftists and totalitarian dictatorship. Instead, we should listen to what they say. We should not engage in anti-communist autocracy, but must form a united front for democracy. We need to listen to the real thoughts of the other people.

So I expected that there might be some intense argument on the issues of the current situation and tasks of the democratic revolution in China. Thus, we specially left extra time for these two subjects when we were arranging the agenda of the conference. However, to my and everyone else's surprise, everyone impressively had agreement on these two subjects with only little differences, thus significantly saved our time.

The general public on the left has received the propaganda of the Communist Party, and thus often considers the overseas democracy activists as a bunch of madmen of anti-communism. They may have an impression that these anti-communists are a type of people who are unreasonable and hold grudges against the Communists because of their personal experience. Indeed, there are many overseas democracy activists who do have a blood feud with the Chinese Communist Party. But at this conference, the representatives from the left witnessed in our internal meeting that for the future of the Chinese and China as a nation, every participant was able to discuss the issues rationally and objectively, without emotion and color for personal revenge.

The general pro-democracy activists and supporters also were affected by the Communist Party propaganda. They may have thought the leftists in China are a bunch of madmen of from the Cultural Revolution, who want to restore the Cultural Revolution of Mao Zedong. In fact, this is also misunderstood. The so-called left wing has a very wide spectrum. Among them, some indeed worshiped the "four freedoms" promoted during the Cultural Revolution, and praised Mao's leftist dictatorship. In fact, even within the pro-democracy circles there are people who worship the Cultural Revolution because of the so-called "People's Cultural Revolution" element in it.

Through the communication during the conference, we were able to see that the leftist mainstream in China is hoping for and advocating the humanitarian part of Marxism due to their concern of the sufferings of the people. In regarding the issues of a concern for the people's sufferings, against bureaucratic corruption, and opposing the political monopoly, etc., they are very close to the purpose of the democratic movement. By this nature, the leftists in China are allies of the democracy movement, instead of the enemies. Although they use the banner of Mao Zedong to oppose Deng Xiaoping, that was just an old trick of "waving one red flag against another red flag".

In recent years, the Communist regime has also realized the essence of these leftists. Thus, the Communist Party raised its left hand to strike down the democratic movement while raising its right hand to strike down the civil rights movement of the leftists. The Communist regime has not only put pro-democracy activists in prison. blockaded and deleted democratic rhetoric; but also locked up the leftists, blockaded their websites and deleted their rhetoric. We all have the similar treatment.

Right now, to the bureaucratic capitalist interest groups in China, both the pro-democracy movement and civil rights movement on the left are their enemies. Both are threatening the survival of these interest groups. And both have broad social recognition and public support. So these two movements are natural allies, which represents the future of China.

Therefore, at this conference, we all made similar observations on the current situation in China: all agreed that China has lost its chance for a peaceful evolution. The Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang clique has yielded to the pressure of interest groups, thus has been strengthening repression and forcing people to move further and further on the road of rebellion. The Communist reform is already dead. A democratic revolution shall happen. The necessity and inevitability of revolution is the common observation by both sides of right and left. To overthrow the authoritarian rule of the bureaucratic capitalist group is the agreed wish of the whole nation of China.

Participating colleagues agreed that people have the right to use all kinds of means to overthrow the autocratic tyranny: not just peaceful demonstrations and pleas, but also revolutionary ways of overthrowing the tyranny such as coups and armed uprising. For this reason the official document of this conference was called: "The Manifesto of the Democratic Revolution in China".

The participating colleagues also agreed that: The Chinese people now are not where they were one hundred years ago. The Chinese people's awareness of democracy and their desire for human rights are far stronger now than they were one hundred years ago. The democratic revolution in China failed one hundred years ago because the conditions were not quite ripe. But now the democratic revolution will succeed, because the conditions are ripe, and even excessively ripe. All we need is to break through the barriers of tyranny.

So the slogan for this democratic revolution manifesto is: "The Communist reform is already dead. A democratic revolution shall be taken. We must abolish the tyranny, to rebuild a new republic in China!" The word "abolish" includes all sorts of possibilities comprised of peaceful evolution and armed overthrow of the tyranny. The discussion of the little details of what are the most reasonable means is just a pedantic theory of the bookworms who desire for revolt but will never do what is necessary.

In careful comparison of the revolutions that have happened in many countries in recent history, and considering all the social elements, the speed and thoroughness of an armed revolution does not have to have a higher price than a peaceful evolution. There are completely different and complex elements of different periods, with different countries, so we cannot simply duplicate one or the other in the way of doing scientific experiments.

The focus of debate and discussion should be on the means that will be successful, rather than what is more reasonable. On the issue of overthrowing tyranny, all means are justified. This concept was also one of the greatest consensuses of this conference.

Related photos:

1. WEI Jingsheng (OCDC chairman), Dr. CHEN Xingyu (OCDC Vice Secretary-General), WANG Guoxing (OCDC Vice Secretary-General and Chair of the Chinese Democratic Front), and HUANG Ciping (OCDC Secretary-General) at the OCDC 11th Congress:

http://www.weijingsheng.org/pic/newsletters/newsletters2013/newsletters2013-4/OCDC11th131005chairs-c-6.jpg

2. The chief officer of the Chinese Alliance for Democracy, QIN Xinmin, speaks:

http://www.weijingsheng.org/pic/newsletters/newsletters2013/newsletters2013-4/OCDC11th131005QinXMspeaks-c-6.jpg

3. The founders from the first Chinese opposition party, Chinese Liberal and Democracy Party, which is established in 1990 (from left to right): PAN Qing, NI Yuxian, HUANG Ciping, Dr. CHEN Xingyu (and Dr. LU Wenhe, not in the photo):

http://www.weijingsheng.org/pic/newsletters/newsletters2013/newsletters2013-4/OCDC11th131005CLDPfounders-c-6.jpg

4. The leaders from the Chinese Democracy Party at the OCDC 11th Congress:

http://www.weijingsheng.org/pic/newsletters/newsletters2013/newsletters2013-4/OCDC11th131005CDP-c-2.jpg

5. XIANG Lin (OCDC Asia Director), WEI Jingsheng, LIN Guang (vice president of the Chinese Alliance for Democracy), chair the session:

http://www.weijingsheng.org/pic/newsletters/newsletters2013/newsletters2013-4/OCDC11th131005review-c-3.jpg

6. Dinner party on October 5, 2013:

http://www.weijingsheng.org/pic/newsletters/newsletters2013/newsletters2013-4/OCDC11th131005dinner-c-6.jpg

To hear Mr. Wei Jingsheng's related commentary, please visit:

http://www.weijingsheng.org/RFA/RFA2013/WeiJS131018onOCDC11th.mp3

(Written and recorded on October 18, 2013. Broadcasted by Radio Free Asia.)

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中文版

Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A782-W498

魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号： A782-W498

Release Date: October 26, 2013

发布日：2013年10月26日

Topic: The Overseas Chinese Democracy Coalition Issues a Manifesto for the Democracy Revolution in China -- Wei Jingsheng

标题：中国民主运动海外联席会议发出革命的檄文 -- 魏京生

Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)

此号以中文为准（英文在前，中文在后）

如有中文乱码问题，请与我们联系或访问:

http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2013/report2013-10/WeiJS131026onOCDC11thA782-W498.htm

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中国民主运动海外联席会议发出革命的檄文

-- 魏京生

今年十月五日和六日，中国民主运动海外联席会议在美国的田纳西州首府纳什维尔召开了第十一次会议。来自美国各地和欧洲、亚洲、大洋洲的三十多位同仁，代表海外主要的民运团体参加了会议。

这其中包括民主团结联盟（简称民联）；民主中国阵线（简称民阵）；自由民主党（简称自民党）；和民主党全国委员会，还包括一些非党派的民主人士以及新马克思主义者。大家互相沟通，共同商讨了对中国时局的观察和民主派的职责。

这次会议与已往的会议有两点不同。第一是为了能在有限的时间里集中讨论中国国内的问题，没有邀请亚洲邻国的民主派代表，也没有邀请宗教界和少数民族的代表。第二点是为了扩大统一战线的范围，特意邀请了不带有反共色彩的，但也主张民主改革的左派代表。

在决定邀请左派代表的问题上有过小小的争论。很多人认为左派坚持的是和共产党一样的马克思主义，和民主自由人权的普适价值相对立。没必要让他们来搅局，浪费大家的时间。另一些人则认为只要认同民主的价值观，无论左右都应该算作民主派。左派和集权专制不能划等号，应该听听他们的说法。我们不能搞反共一言堂，应该结成争取民主的统一战线。应该听听人家的真正想法是什么。

因此我预计在时局观察和革命任务的话题上可能会争论比较激烈。在安排议程的时候给这两个话题留出了比较多的时间。实际情况却是出乎我和大家的意外，在这两个话题上大家出奇地一致。只有很小的分歧需要说明，因此而大大节约了时间。

一般左派的民众受共产党宣传的影响，以为海外的民运分子都是一帮反共狂。以为他们逢共必反，一反到底，不近人情；都是些和共产党有仇的人。海外民运里确实有很多人和共产党有血海深仇。但是这次左派的代表性人物亲眼看到了，在我们的内部会议上，大家更多是从中国人民和国家的前途出发，理性地、客观地讨论问题，而不带有任何报私仇的情绪和色彩。

一般的民运人士和支持者们也是受了共产党宣传的影响。他们以为国内的左派都是一帮文革狂，想恢复毛泽东的文化大革命。其实这也是误解。所谓的左派光谱很宽，其中有些是极力推崇文革时期的四大自由，推崇毛泽东的左派专政。其实民运圈子里也有这种推崇所谓人民文革的人。

通过这次的沟通，大家看到了国内左派的主流是从关心人民疾苦出发，希望或者说主张马克思主义里人道主义的那一部分内容。在关注民众疾苦、反对官僚腐败、反对政治垄断等方面，这和民主运动的宗旨十分相近。国内的左派天生就是民主运动的同盟军，而不是民主派的敌人。他们打着毛泽东的旗帜反对邓小平的共产党，只不过是打着红旗反红旗的故伎重演。

所以近年来中共也看清了他们的本质。于是中共就举起其左手打倒民主运动；举起其右手打倒左派民权运动。中共不但把民运人士投入监狱；封锁删除民主的言论；而且也把左派人士投进监狱，封锁左派的网站，删除左派的言论。大家的待遇都差不多嘛。

对现在的官僚资产阶级利益集团来说，民主运动和左派民权运动都是他们的敌人。双方都威胁到官僚资产阶级利益集团的生存，而且都拥有广大的社会认同和民众的支持。所以说这两大运动是天然的盟友，代表着中国的前途。

所以在这次会议上，大家都对时局作了相似的观察，都认为中国已经失去了和平演变的机会。习近平、李克强集团不得不屈服于利益集团的压力，在加强镇压、官逼民反的道路上越走越远。正所谓改革已死，革命当立。革命的必要性和必然性是左右派共同的观察。推翻官僚资产阶级的专制统治是全国上下一致的愿望。

与会的同仁们一致认为，人民有权使用一切手段推翻专制的暴政：不仅仅可以使用和平请愿的手段，而且可以使用包括政变和武装起义的革命方式推翻暴政。为此会议的正式文件就叫做民主革命的檄文。

与会的同仁们也一致认为：现在的中国人民已经不是一百年前的中国人了，对民主的认知和对人权的渴望，都远远超过一百年前。一百年前民主革命失败了，可以说条件还不成熟。现在的民主革命必将成功，因为条件已经成熟，甚至已经过份地成熟，只待冲破专制暴政的樊篱。

所以民主革命的檄文提出的口号是：改革已死；革命当立。废除专制；再造共和。废除两个字，就包括了和平演变和武装推翻的各种可能性。斤斤计较于什么手段更合理，是一种书生造反、十年不成的迂腐之论。

认真比较近代发生的各国革命，把各种社会因素都考虑在内，武装革命的快速和彻底，不见得就比和平演变付出的代价更大。不同的国家、不同的时期有完全不同的复杂因素，不可能做科学实验一样地复制。

争论和探讨的焦点应该是什么手段能成功，而不是什么更合理。在推翻暴政的问题上，一切手段都是合理的。这也是这次会议最大的共识之一。