Wei
Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A810-W519
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号： A810-W519
Release
Date: March 16, 2014
发布日：2014年3月16日
Topic:
Xinjiang Issues (part 2): Support the Independence Movement, Fight Against
Terrorism, and Oppose the Repression of People through Terrorism and Violence
Means -- Wei Jingsheng
标题：再谈新疆问题（之二）：支持独立运动、反对恐怖主义，和反对以恐怖暴力的手段镇压老百姓 -- 魏京生
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About
Xinjiang Issues (part 2):
Support
the Independence Movement, Fight Against Terrorism, and Oppose the Repression
of People through Terrorism and Violence Means
--
Wei Jingsheng
Kunming
terrorist attacks once again have placed the Xinjiang issue on everyone's
attention. There are all sorts of
expressions, all with some reasons.
For example, ethnic issues and religious issues, etc., are on the
target. At least these issues are
important reasons that intensify ethnic conflicts .
But
I want to ask: ethnic conflicts have always existed; why were they not so
intense in the past? Religious
conflicts in the 1960's and 1970's were even worse than now, so why weren't the
manifestation of those conflicts as stimulating as now when they can quickly
trigger large-scale mass incidents?
There are probably some more important factors that are not receiving
enough attention, or are even deliberately concealed by the Chinese government.
For
example, corruption, oppression, the wealth gap, job discrimination, and so on,
were not really issues in 1950's and 1960's, or if they were issues they were
relatively minor without too much resentment from the people at that time. The situation in Xinjiang was similar
to the interior of China at that time, when people were mainly concerned of
living standards and reform the Communist regime.
There
were people supporting Xinjiang independence even then, so such support is not
just emerging now. Further, at
least a couple of groups supporting Xinjiang's independence at that time were
groomed by the Communist Party itself, and even joined the government, the
military and the Communist Party organizations. But they did not cause any major upheavals, because there
was no mass base for the Xinjiang independence. Incitation by a few people did not result in any real
movement.
Why
now is there this basis for the Xinjiang independent movement? In fact, it is on the same wavelength
as the anti-communist sentiments in inland China. Corruption, social injustice, inequality, corruption in the
judiciary, etc., are the root causes arousing people's anger. The accumulation of and superimposed
effects of these factors have lead to the rising of anti-government sentiment
and psychological hatred against officials and riches in inland China. In ethnic minority areas, these
problems tend to converge with the ethnic barriers and religious barriers
lurking underneath, resulting in bringing ethnic and religious issues to the
surface.
Further,
in these ethnic minority areas, combining these problems with ethnic and
religious problems is almost inevitable.
In these areas, such as in Xinjiang, there are pre-existing independence
forces and religious separatists dormant for many years. In an environment with no sunlight and
rain, they are like seeds buried in the soil. However, when the time arrived for the appropriate
environment, they immediately took root and grew. So, in these ethnic minority areas the officials' corruption
and judicial injustice almost all re-directed to ethnic and religious problems.
For
example, in the southern part of Xinjiang, which is relatively poor and lacking
of education, religious imams have the highest credibility. During the era of great development of
mosques in the 1980's, there were of course religious extremists and members
pushing for independence moving in.
They would use the lofty status of religion to spread ethnic hatred and
religious barriers. But, I think
the effect was not very satisfactory and the movement only developed in the
slow motion of small scale. That
was because there were not very serious social conflicts. The friendship and trust between the
people accumulated through years and tradition was not easily destroyed
immediately and completely.
But
as the gap between rich and poor grew, the government officials became more and
more unreasonable, and all levels of the judiciary fully became lackeys of the
rich and powerful, people began to be confused and puzzled. Seeking a reasonable explanation to
calm the state of mind in the mosques was the daily homework of all religious
believers. Some better informed
Uyghurs with relatively higher cultural and education levels had their own
analysis, and did not necessarily drag every problem towards ethnic and
religious issues.
However,
the majority of the poor in the southern region of Xinjiang are mostly
surrounded by poverty and ignorance of their own kind. Besides the imams in the mosques, there
are not many people around who are thoughtful and trustworthy. Thus the seeds began to take root
quickly. The social evils were
described as evils of the non-Muslims; the social injustice and inequality is
portrayed as the oppression and exploitation of the Han Chinese against Uyghur
Muslims. Even the Uyghur officials
at the grassroots level who exploited and oppressed their own Uyghur people
were conveniently described as lackeys of the Han Chinese and traitors of the
Uyghurs.
In
fact, this argument is very logical and seamless. It is the same as the many deceptions of the Communist
Party, and can be believed easily by the ignorant people who do not know of the
outside world. The majority of
Uyghurs with knowledge will know that the argument is just some low level
cheating; a sophistry to hide lies in the premises. However, to the ignorant poor who are eager to seize a straw
to maintain floating on a sinking ship, it is the only credible reason. The seeds of ethnic and religious
conflict thus began to grow up at the grassroots level.
Especially
as the so-called economic reform of Deng Xiaoping become epidemic, social
mentality became very impetuous.
Attention in the society evolved into how to get rich, how to corrupt,
how to bully and gain hegemony over others. Or, at least into how to make the rich richer and improve
the GDP to accumulate capital for promotions through the ranks. Even the relief funding for poor areas
were corrupted. How could these
happenings not provoke uprisings?
This is the time when the Xinjiang independence movement outside the
mosques got popular.
Soon
the moderate World Uyghurs Conference was no longer welcome. The more extreme terrorism sounds
better to vent anger and seems to be more effective. Especially for the poor who were not educated and have been
oppressed at the bottom of the society, extremism is clearly more attractive. The terrorists who were trained by
Taliban and Palestinian organizations also have a set of effective brainwashing
methods. Although it is impossible
to persuade everyone to engage in terrorism, as long as there is a small
portion of people convinced, it is enough to produce terrorist incidents
everywhere. Terrorism does not
care how many soldiers it recruits.
I
have always supported the independence movement in Tibet and Xinjiang, because
that is the basic political right of the people. In democratic countries, it is a perfectly legitimate
political activity protected by the Constitution. Self-determination is one of the human rights that should
not be deprived. But I am firmly
opposed to terrorism, and opposed to achieving political goals through
threatening the lives of civilians.
Terrorism is a most shameless doctrine that only a coward will
accept. And, if terrorism
succeeds, it will only replace the oppression with even greater oppression.
I
also oppose the suppression of the people through terrorist and violent
means. The recent "no mercy
politics of severe strike and heavily suppress" statement by Zhang
Chunxian, the Communist Party Secretary in charge of Xinjiang, is on the same
wavelength as garden-variety terrorism.
That is using terrorism against terrorism. Naturally, the most convenient targets he could find are
ordinary people. Would he be able
to scare the terrorists? That
would be a joke, and unable to solve the problems from their roots. Even if he could temporarily suppress
the terrorists, and get promoted to somewhere else as a result, the terrorism
that had already germinated and grown would gain a broad social basis instead
of being destroyed by a temporary terrorism carried out by the government. This situation is similar throughout
inland China, and will become the scourge of the Chinese society for a long
time.
To
hear Mr. Wei Jingsheng's related commentary, please visit:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/RFA/RFA2014/WeiJS140311XinjiangIssues2.mp3
(Written
on March 10 and recorded on March 11, 2014. Broadcasted by Radio Free Asia.)
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中文版
Wei
Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A810-W519
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号： A810-W519
Release
Date: March 16, 2014
发布日：2014年3月16日
Topic:
Xinjiang Issues (part 2): Support the Independence Movement, Fight Against
Terrorism, and Oppose the Repression of People through Terrorism and Violence
Means -- Wei Jingsheng
标题：再谈新疆问题（之二）：支持独立运动、反对恐怖主义，和反对以恐怖暴力的手段镇压老百姓 -- 魏京生
Original
Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)
此号以中文为准（英文在前，中文在后）
如有中文乱码问题，请与我们联系或访问:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2014/report2014-03/WeiJS140316XinjiangIssues2A810-W519.htm
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再谈新疆问题（之二）：支持独立运动、反对恐怖主义，和反对以恐怖暴力的手段镇压老百姓
-- 魏京生
昆明的恐怖袭击，再一次把新疆问题摆在了大家关注的热点上。议论纷纷。各种说法都有，也都有一定的道理。比如说民族问题、宗教问题等等，都没有离题。这些至少是造成民族矛盾激化的重要原因。
但是我想反问一下大家：民族矛盾一直都存在，为什么过去没有现在这么激烈？宗教矛盾在六七十年代比现在还要严重，为什么当时表现出来的矛盾反而不如现在这样激动人心，动不动就引发大规模的群体事件呢?这恐怕有一些更重要的因素没有被大家注意，或者被政府故意隐瞒了。
比如说贪污腐败、欺压良善、贫富差距、招工歧视等等，就是五六十年代所没有。或者说当时还比较轻微，没有引起老百姓的反感。这和那时内地的情况差不多。无论内地还是新疆，人们当时关注的主要是生活水平，和改革共产党的制度。
疆独分子当时就有，不是现在才出现的，而且最早的疆独，至少其中一两支还是共产党自己培养的，并且进入了政府和军队以及党组织。可他们并没有造成什么大的动乱，因为没有疆独的群众基础，靠几个人煽动不会有什么真正的运动出现。
现在为什么会有这个基础了呢？其实这和内地人民的反共情绪是一样的。贪污腐败、社会不公、贫富差距、司法腐败等等，是引起人们愤怒的根本原因。这些因素的积累和叠加效果，在内地就是反政府情绪和仇官、仇富心理的高涨。而在少数民族地区，它往往会和潜伏的民族隔阂、宗教隔阂汇合，造成表面看上去的民族、宗教问题。
而且在少数民族地区，和民族、宗教问题结合起来，几乎是必然的。因为在这些地区，比如说在新疆，本来就有蛰伏了多年的民族独立势力和宗教分离势力。在没有雨露阳光的环境下，它们只作为种子埋藏在土壤中。在环境适合的时机，它们会立刻生根发芽、茁壮成长。所以在少数民族地区，官府的贪污腐败和司法不公，几乎百分之百地被引导到了民族、宗教问题上。
例如在南疆这种普遍比较贫困和缺乏教育的地区，宗教的阿訇们说话的可信度显然是最高的。在八十年代清真寺大发展的时代，肯定有不同来源的宗教极端分子和独立运动的成员混迹其中。他们利用宗教在教民心目中的崇高地位，散布民族仇恨和宗教隔阂。但是我认为当时的效果并不是很理想，运动只是在小规模的缓慢发展。因为当时还没有很严重的社会矛盾，传统积累的老百姓之间的友好和信任，不是那么容易就立即被完全破坏的。
但是进入到贫富差距越来越大、各级官员越来越不讲理、各级司法完全成为富人和官方的走狗的时候，人们开始困惑和想不通了。到清真寺里寻求合理的解释来平静心态，这是所有宗教信徒的日常功课。一些知识文化水平比较高、见多识广的维吾尔人，会有自己的分析，不一定会把问题向民族和宗教问题上扯。
但是在南疆广大的贫困地区，周围都是和自己差不多贫困和愚昧的人。除了清真寺的阿訇，几乎就没有什么有头脑又值得信任的人了。于是种子就开始迅速地生根发芽。把社会丑恶现象描述成非穆斯林的邪恶；把社会不公和贫富差距描绘成是汉族人在欺压和剥削咱们维族穆斯林。甚至在基层剥削和欺压他们的维族基层官吏，也很方便地被定性为汉族人的走狗，维族人的内奸。
其实这套说法很符合逻辑，严丝合缝。这和共产党的很多骗人伎俩如出一辙，而且很容易被愚昧和没出外见过世界的愚民所相信。有知识的维族人多数会知道这是低劣的谎言，是把假话藏在前提里的诡辩术。但对愚昧贫穷而又急于抓住一把稻草的可怜的穷人来说，这是唯一可信的道理了。民族宗教矛盾的种子就这样在基层开始成长起来。
特别是所谓的改革开放和邓小平的“猫论”流行之后，社会心态变得非常浮躁。大家关心的就是怎么发财致富，怎么贪污腐化，怎么欺男霸女。至少也是让富的更富，尽快提高鸡的屁好为升官积累资本。连贫困地区的救济款都敢贪污，怎么不会激起民变呢？这时候在清真寺外的疆独分子就有了广泛的市场。
很快温和的维吾尔大会就不再受到欢迎了。更极端的恐怖主义听上去更解气，看上去似乎会有效。特别是对那些没文化又被欺压到了社会最底层的穷人来说，极端主义显然更有吸引力。而被塔利班和巴勒斯坦恐怖组织训练出来的恐怖分子，也有一整套有效的洗脑方法。虽然不可能说服所有人去搞恐怖主义，但只要有一小部分被说服，就已经可以到处制造恐怖事件了。恐怖主义不在乎兵员的多寡。
我一贯支持新疆、西藏的独立运动，这是人家的基本政治权利。在民主国家里，这是完全合法的政治活动，受到宪法的保护。那是不可剥夺的人权之一。但是我坚决反对恐怖主义，反对以平民的生命做威胁来达到政治目的。这是一种懦夫才会接受的最无耻的主义。如果恐怖主义真的成功了，它只会以更大的迫害来取代迫害。
我一样反对以恐怖暴力的手段镇压老百姓。新疆书记张春贤的“不施仁政”的说法，和恐怖分子异曲同工。那就是要以恐怖主义对恐怖主义。他能找到的最方便的对象自然是普通老百姓。这能吓坏恐怖分子吗？可笑。不从根上解决问题，即使暂时把恐怖活动压下去了，然后他升官去了；可是已经发芽生长的恐怖主义会有广泛的社会基础，不会被暂时的官方恐怖主义所消灭，这和内地的情况差不多。而将会成为中国社会长久的祸害。
聆听魏京生先生的相关录音，请访问：
http://www.weijingsheng.org/RFA/RFA2014/WeiJS140311XinjiangIssues2.mp3
（撰写于2014年3月10日，录音于2014年3月11日。自由亚洲电台播出。）
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