Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A858-W551

魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号: A858-W551


Release Date: January 18, 2015



Topic: A Summary for the Year of 2014 -- Wei Jingsheng

标题:2014年终总结 -- 魏京生


Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)



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A Summary for the Year of 2014

-- Wei Jingsheng



The phrase "summary of the year" sounds old-fashioned, with a little antique flavor.  In fact, it means well -- to make a total count of the year to see what was earned or lost.  Then go back home for the New Year holidays.  Then plan on how to work in the upcoming new year and even the next a few years in the future.


The year 2014 was not a good year for the ordinary people in China due to recession, inflation, unemployment, and increased prices in the markets.  These ordinary peoples' lives were like water going down to lower levels, becoming more and more difficult.  The hard time was not just limited to the poor, but affected the so-called middle class as well.  The lower level of the middle class has been the most unfortunate, with many of them having been reduced to poverty.


The rich people did not fare much better either.  When there is an increase in poverty, law and order become worse.  Of course the targets are mainly the rich people.  The current disparity between the rich and poor has made striking against riches increasingly popular, and more serious.  The rich people with money cannot be considered as happy while living in such an ocean of rich-hating psychology.  Sending family members and mistresses abroad has become fashionable.  After all, everyone has the right to pursue happiness.


It is said that the officials are getting more arrogant.  To have money is less than to have power.  To have the power is equal to having money.  Power can make money, while without power the money might be lost.  Sometimes one might lose one's life if one does not want to lose one's money.  Thus the officials are the most arrogant class in the Chinese society.  But even the officials had a tough time in the last few years, when their life style lacking sunshine received slaps in their faces.


Wang Qishan (currently serving as Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, and having emerged as the public face of General Secretary Xi Jinping's anti-corruption campaign since 2013) does not have any offspring, so he has no worries of the future.  When he starts to arrest people, he has no concern of whether the others curse him, nor is he afraid of kidnapping and raiding of his home.  This is sort of like a Buddha with an indestructible body.  He makes everyone in the Chinese officialdom really feel insecure, yet it is false that he wants to end corruption from the root.


This insecurity is due to the reality in China now went back to the traditional officials are "respected" while businessmen are "humble", since the "reform" by Deng Xiaoping under the title of a so-called Chinese model of socialism.  Coupled with the lack of rule of law under Communism, collusion between the officials and businessmen has become the main mode of operation.  There is no need of promotion to get this widely spread corrupted officialdom in China.


Since corruption has widely spread, anti-corruption means the need to kill all the officials.  If one does not want to kill all the officials, one must only selectively kill.  When one chooses selective killing, then one cannot end corruption from the roots, yet meanwhile it will cause a sense of insecurity for everyone, as no one is sure of the selection criteria.


It would be better to kill than to be killed.  This is the logic for any normal person.  When everyone has a sense of insecurity, someone will rebel.  The extreme corruption will also result in rebellion.  Either the officials will force people to rebel, or some officials will force other officials to rebel, an entire antinomy.  Using the Chinese people's description, it is called "The pig looks into a mirror -- it is not a human either inside or outside of the mirror."


The recent vigorous fight for true universal suffrage in Hong Kong is a typical example.  The movement reached a point that was out of the expectation of those who launched it.  That is because its basis of public opinion surpassed what was estimated by the elites.  This result is a typical model of the officials forcing people to rebel.  Years of erosion of human rights and rule of law in Hong Kong by the representatives of the Communist regime, have made the people of Hong Kong feel intolerable.  As soon as there was a spark, it ignited a large area.  This was not what the elites anticipated when they wanted to use the mass movement to solve the in fighting.


Meanwhile, this result is also a typical model of some officials forcing other officials to rebel.  The selective anti-corruption by Wang Qishan, who is not concerned of his own, had made everyone in the officialdom feel insecure.  Indeed, the bureaucratic capitalism by chief architect Deng Xiaoping has been implemented for long enough.  It has been so long that the corruption of the officialdom has reached a pinnacle: every official in China must be corrupt and no official is not corrupt now.  It is the consensus of the society that the high officials are corrupt like "tigers", while minor officials are corrupt like "flies".


There are even minor officials who are like small "tigers" corrupted into billions.  Even if one declares selective anti-corruption, even if one suppresses the masses who tried to report corruption cases to the authorities, these "tigers" and "flies" will feel insecure, the psychological pressure will keep them from falling asleep.  It is also true that when there is oppression, there is resistance.  Thus they ventured to provoke the sensitive nerves of the people in Hong Kong, ventured to stop the anti-corruption process by way of peaceful evolution.


So, using the situation provoked by the officials, fearless young warriors used the current to launch an umbrella revolution of people against the suppressive officials.  These warriors have left Xi Jinping, the officials rebelling against other officials, and the adult elite democrats dumbfounded.  It also multiplied the confidence of the true democrats and people in both Hong Kong and Mainland China who truly want universal suffrage.


What is very interesting is that the internal struggles within the democracy movement on the streets of Hong Kong have been the same as the internal struggles during the 1989 democracy movement in Tiananmen Square -- a fight over the issue of staying or retreating, as well as the fight between people supported by public opinion and people who were sent in by the government.  There are people who were dispatched by the government after received amnesty from the government, and there were people who were persuaded to retreat.  In between there were plenty of agents who were fishing in troubled waters.  It looked very colorful and made people confused.  This is a characteristic of a spontaneous mass movement.


Due to the effective control of Chinese and foreign media by the Chinese Communist regime, as well as the lack of public promotion of the democrats, the support from the people in Mainland China was lagging far behind the situation.  It did not play a supporting role similar to that of the people in Hong Kong during the democracy movement on the Mainland in 1989.  Of which, the fake democrats and agents fed by the Communist regime played a very effective role to confuse the people.


Better late than never.  Things are not over yet; we still need to strive in the future.  The important issue for the democrats in Mainland China, Hong Kong, Taiwan and overseas to study is how to expand efforts to promote, as well as counterattack Communist control in the media.


The Communist agents, paid or volunteer, have had a platitude for many years, which is "do not use verbal violence overseas, go back to China to try it."  They abbreviated it as "mouth violence" to mean that advocacy does not work, but only the action is useful.  This platitude lead to many of our democrat friends giving up in frustration of advocacy work using the Internet and a variety of media, and allowed the Communist agents and those who seek the amnesty from the Communist regime to take control of these arenas.


The democracy movement in Hong Kong this time was a preview of a nationwide campaign in China.  It is homework we must do to draw useful experience and lessons of missteps.  As the internal fights within the Communist leadership will not stop but will intensify, peoples' revolt will not stop but will intensify.  If the democrats do not learn lessons in order to fight better, then they can only lag behind; behind the masses, and continue to experience the embarrassment the democrats in Hong Kong showed during this movement for universal suffrage in Hong Kong.


As running water cannot be stopped, the movement continues.  The democratic movement to struggle for universal suffrage in Hong Kong maintained the spirit of its own idealism.  True democrats both inside Mainland China and overseas should learn from them, not to be depressed mentally and not to retreat.  We must continue our efforts until victory is ours.



To hear Mr. Wei Jingsheng's related commentary, please visit:



(Written and recorded on December 19, 2014.  Broadcasted by Radio Free Asia.)



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Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A858-W551

魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号: A858-W551


Release Date: January 18, 2015



Topic: A Summary for the Year of 2014 -- Wei Jingsheng

标题:2014年终总结 -- 魏京生


Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)









-- 魏京生


















































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