Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A1178-W806

魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号:A1178-W806

 

Release Date: January 5, 2019

发布日:2019年1月5日

 

Topic: Political Modernization Should Be the Primary Goal of Reform in China

-- Yan Jiaqi's Speech at the Symposium in Observance of the 40th Anniversary of the Democracy Wall in the US Congress

标题:政治现代化是中国改革的首要目标--严家祺在美国国会大厦召开的《民主墙40周年纪念会》上的发言

 

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Political Modernization Should Be the Primary Goal of Reform in China

-- Yan Jiaqi's Speech at the Symposium in Observance of the 40th Anniversary of the Democracy Wall in the US Congress on December 10, 2018

History must be seen from a near perspective as well as from a far distance. Regarding far and near, there is far and near in measurement of time, and there is far and near in measurement of space. Looking at the Beijing Democracy Wall Movement 40 years ago from across the Pacific Ocean now, is looking at the Beijing Democracy Wall from both a distance in time and a distant in space.

When (Xi Jinping's father) Xi Zhongxun named his sons, there was such a subconscious mind of far and near. To save the financial crisis, to promote economic growth, there will be near-term effectiveness by relying on good policies. Economists clearly understand that long-term economic growth is not determined too much by these fiscal policies and monetary policies, but could be counterproductive due to bad policies. The long-term growth of the economy can only rely on the rule of law, relying on capital, relying on talent, and relying on technological progress. This is the long-term and far-distance effect. Of course resources are also very important, but they can be purchased from abroad.

 

The same is true of history. Looking at Chinese history from a distance, there are two most obvious dividing lines: the Qin Dynasty and the Revolution of 1911. Looking at Mao Zedong from a distance, Mao Zedong is the Emperor HanWu of the Xihan and Emperor QinShiHuang of the Qin Dynasty. Mao wanted to become the emperor, and did not need to amend the constitution like Xi Jinping did this year. Mao Zedong's temperament surpassed the great emperors who started the dynasties like Song and Tang. He relied on launching a national mass movement to set aside the constitution, and disregarded all the civil and military ministers he did not like. Mao furthered the downfall of these officials by letting ordinary people have "big speeches and big posters" and various other means to "step their foot" on these bureaucrats. In the history of mankind, almost no king has had such great temperament, without being afraid of the floods behind him, and able to sweep out the old machine of the state government before the Cultural Revolution. After 1949, Mao Zedong's role in Chinese history was to reverse the general direction of the Revolution of 1911.

Economist Chen Zhiwu divides the 100-year history of China from 1949 to 2049 into four stages. The first stage was from 1949 to 1978, the second stage was from 1979 to 2008, the third stage was from 2009 to 2018, and the fourth stage will be from 2019 to 2049. There are four general programs associated with these four stages.

Referring to Chen Zhiwu's analysis, and using a language familiar to everyone, the general program from 1949 to 1978 was styled by Mao Zedong -- to implement the communist utopia, and to restore the monarchy in the name of the Republic. From 1976 to 1978 was the Hua Guofeng period. Although (Mao's wife) Jiang Qing was arrested, Hua Guofeng generally continued the Mao's route. In 1978, the reversal of the Tiananmen Incident (of 1976) and the subsequent Democracy Wall movement were major events that changed the direction of the historical development in China.

 

Two days after the reverse of the verdict of the Tiananmen Incident (of 1976), nine young people from Guizhou, included Huang Xiang, established the Enlightenment Society in Beijing. Commentating Huang Xiang's "The Vulcan Symphonic Poem," Li Jiahua said: "to give serious test and judgment of all the forgery and counterfeit in the name of the truth from the seats of the trial of practice!" On the evening of its founding, the Enlightenment Society posted signs with big characters on the Wall near the Mao Zedong Memorial Hall in Tiananmen Square, calling to "Reevaluate the Cultural Revolution" and to "Separate the 70% of credits and 30% of evil actions by Mao Zedong". The Beijing Democracy Wall in 1979 included Wangfujing, Xidan, the Monument to the People's Heroes on Tiananmen Square, as well as the palisade that held the posters. The first posters on Xidan Wall were not the big-character posters, but the first re-issue of the "China Youth" which was forbidden to be released by Wang Dongxing. That was in August 1978. Later, many petitioners who went to Beijing wrote their wrongful treatments as big-character posters and posted them on the Xidan Wall. After the verdict of the 1976 Tiananmen Incident was turned over, from November 25th, 1978 the Xidan Wall became a place for "democracy seminars." On the evening of November 27th, John Fraser, reporter of Toronto's The Globe and Mail, conveyed Deng Xiaoping's view on the Xidan Democracy Wall when Jim Novak, a Washington Post columnist met with Deng. At that time, Deng Xiaoping said that the Democracy Wall was a good thing and the people have this right. Deng Xiaoping also said, "I don't agree with the statement that Mao Zedong had 70% of good and 30% of evil. Mao was better than that." Deng also said that he gave himself of 60% good vs. 40% bad, with the same rating for (the senior Chinese marshal) Peng Dehuai." There was a female student who volunteered to translate (for John Fraser). That evening, several thousands of people gathered at the Xidan Democracy Wall. Most of the people marched to Tiananmen Square. More than a dozen people gave speeches and cheered Deng Xiaoping for supporting the Democracy Wall, and discussed China's future.

 

The Xidan Democracy Wall was also the place where many private publications came to be posted and distributed. On December 5 of that year, Wei Jingsheng posted his "The Fifth Modernization -- Democracy and Others", a big character poster in the name of "Jin Sheng". On January 8 of the second year, Wei Jingsheng named and calligraphed the magazine "Explorations" to be published. On December 16, the "April 5 Forum" was published which was edited by Xu Wenli. There were also "Today" by Bei Dao and Mang Ke, "Beijing Spring" by Zhou Weiming and Wang Juntao, "Human Rights in China" by Ren Wanding, "Fertile Earth" by Hu Ping, "Science, Democracy, and Legal System" by Qi Jianchang, "People's Reference News", "Democracy Wall". On January 6, 1979, the "Nineteen Articles of Human Rights Declaration in China" drafted by Ren Wanding was posted on the Xidan Wall. I was also a participant in the Democracy Wall. The title of "Beijing Spring" was proposed by me and was accepted by its founders Zhou Weimin and Wang Juntao. I also published an article on its inaugural issue, signed with the name Bu Shuming.

 

In 1978, there were two places trying to expel Mao Zedong's influence: one was the Democracy Wall, and the other was the theoretical retreat seminar hosted by Hu Yaobang at the Jingxi Hotel. 40 years ago, hot lead typesetting was very difficult to access. Under the efforts of Shao Mingrui of the Institute of Foreign Literature of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, one issue of the "Beijing Spring" edited by Zhou Weimin and Wang Juntao was printed in hot lead typesetting. I took several dozens of "Beijing Spring" to Jingxi Hotel and distributed them there. The theoretical retreat also printed and distributed a very detailed report of the Democracy Wall by the People's Daily reporters.

In 1978, 40 years ago, it was a year of great change in China. In this year, two people had two proposals. One was proposed in (the heart of the Communist regime in) Zhongnanhai and the other was proposed on the Democracy Wall. This was Deng Xiaoping's "reform and opening up" and Wei Jingsheng's "Fifth Modernization." "Reform and opening up" was to achieve economic modernization, and "the Fifth Modernization" was for "political modernization."

 

From 1978 to 2008, the general program for China's development was reform and opening up. Without the reversal verdict of the Tiananmen Incident (of 1976), there would be no Deng Xiaoping's reappearance on the Chinese political stage, no Democracy Wall in Beijing, and no negative ruling of the Cultural Revolution by the Chinese people at that time, and there would be no reform and opening up.

From 1978 to 2008, there were three major historical events that seriously distorted the process of reform and opening up. First, after Deng Xiaoping said that the Democracy Wall was a good thing in 1978, he turned his back and destroyed the Democracy Wall in 1979. On March 25, 1979, Wei Jingsheng published "Do We Want Democracy or a New Dictatorship?" on "Explorations" and said that people "must be wary of Deng Xiaoping become a dictator." Four days later, Wei Jingsheng was arrested. One day after Wei Jingsheng was arrested, Deng Xiaoping made a speech to "Adhere to the Four Principles (of the Chinese Communism)" at the theoretical retreat. From this day on, the main characters of the Democracy Wall were arrested and imprisoned one by one, and the theoretical retreat ended in vain.

 

The second major historical event was the anti-liberalization movement and stepping down of Hu Yaobang, the (more open-minded) Secretary-General of the Chinese Communist Party.

The third was the June 4 Massacre in 1989.

These three events have caused tens of thousands of victims. Today, Zhao Ziyang could not rest in peace, and Tiananmen Mothers are still crying in misery.

From 2009 to 2018, i.e. the past 10 years, was called the third stage by Chen Zhiwu. In an interview with the Financial Times reporter, he said that these 10 years are "10 years of stagnation" and "10 years that barely survived". I think it is "a decade of partial Maoism". Deng Xiaoping opposed personal worship. In the 1982 Chinese Constitution, it was expressly stipulated that the heads of state and government should not serve more than two consecutive terms. In these 10 years of 2009 to 2018, these stipulations were denied. In addition to the economic situation in China being "national advancement with civilians' lives falling backwards", the general program of China's transformation has been "partial Maoism". Today's political situation in China is exactly the same as Mao Zedong's period, of one-party dictatorship and personal dictatorship which are similar with little change. Despite the fairly large development of China's economy under the reform and opening up, as long as politics is not modernized, in the face of severe financial turmoil and economic crisis, economic success will be destroyed under authoritarian politics. As long as China maintains a dictatorial tradition of the dynasty politics of 3,000 years history, China cannot be truly strong. When many Chinese leaders are meeting and talking with the foreign leaders, we could still see the postures and figures of the officials from the Qing Dynasty.

 

From 2019 to 2049, in the face of the retrogression in the past 10 years, how will China develop? Chen Zhiwu proposed that China should carry out the second reform and opening up. If only half of the reforms are carried out, with the economy changed but not other changes, it will bring distortion to all aspects and inevitably turmoil and crisis at the end. Chen Zhiwu said that it is necessary to do all-round, not partial reform. I believe that the first of the so-called "all-round reform", is the "political modernization" proposed by Wei Jingsheng 40 years ago.

There are two prerequisites for achieving political modernization. The first is to further get rid of Maoism. The second is to restore the truth about the June 4th Massacre and let the sunshine of justice shine on the land of China. Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang made great contributions for China to walk out of the Mao Zedong era, and for progress and development in China. They all died while justice was miscarried. When justice is miscarried, the rule of law cannot be established in China. It is precisely because there is no justice, that rule of law cannot be established, and the false and wrongful cases are spread across the land of China. The spirit of the rule of law is to make legal justice shine like the sun.

To establish the rule of law and to strictly implement the rule of law are a specific goal of political modernization. There are also nine specific goals for political modernization, which are the supremacy of the constitution, the depoliticization and nationalization of the military, multiparty politics, parliamentary democracy, judicial independence, checks and balances, the term limits of heads of state and governments, the civil service system, and human rights protection.

Political modernization is not only the appeal of the democracy advocators, but the common goal and program of the entire Chinese people. Without political modernization, there will be people in China who still want to be emperors and China cannot get out of the cycle of dynasty changes. Without political modernization, China will have no bright future. As I come here today, the most important thing I want to say is that political modernization is the primary goal of progress for China and the platform for future reform in China. In the near future, China will be a free, democratic, civilized and modern country of power.

 

 

* Yan Jiaqi was active during the Democracy Wall period, and later become the director of the Institute of Political Research of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, where he published several essays and papers on political reform. His most famous book, written in collaboration with his wife Gao Gao, was A Ten Year History of the Cultural Revolution. He became a political advisor of Chinese Premier Zhao Ziyang during the 1980s. After the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989, he went to exile and participated in forming the Federation for a Democratic China and was elected as its first president.

 

 

Related photos of Yan Jiaqi at the Symposium in Observance of the 40th Anniversary of the Democracy Wall in the US Congress:

http://www.weijingsheng.org/pic/newsletters/newsletters2018/newsletters2018-4/YanJQ181210atDemocracyWall40th-c-5.jpg

http://www.weijingsheng.org/pic/newsletters/newsletters2018/newsletters2018-4/YanJQspeaking181210atDemocracyWall40th-c-5.jpg

http://www.weijingsheng.org/pic/newsletters/newsletters2018/newsletters2018-4/DemocracyWall40th181210attendees-c-5.jpg

http://www.weijingsheng.org/pic/newsletters/newsletters2018/newsletters2018-4/WeiJSspeaking181210atDemocracyWall40th-c-5.jpg

 

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中文版

 

Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A1178-W806

魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号:A1178-W806

 

Release Date: January 5, 2019

发布日:2019年1月5日

 

Topic: Political Modernization Should Be the Primary Goal of Reform in China

-- Yan Jiaqi's Speech at the Symposium in Observance of the 40th Anniversary of the Democracy Wall in the US Congress

标题:政治现代化是中国改革的首要目标--严家祺在美国国会大厦召开的《民主墙40周年纪念会》上的发言

 

Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)

此号以中文为准(英文在前,中文在后)

 

如有中文乱码问题,请与我们联系或访问:

http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2019/report2019-01/YanJQspeech190105atDemocracyWall40thA1178-W806.htm

 

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政治现代化是中国改革的首要目标

--严家祺在美国国会大厦召开的《民主墙40周年纪念会》上的发言

2018年12月10日

历史既要从近处看,也要从远处看。远和近,有时间的远、近,还有空间的远、近。我们隔着一个太平洋看40年前北京民主墙运动,就是从时间的远处和空间的远处看北京民主墙。

当年习仲勋给儿子起名时,就有这种由近及远的潜意识。要挽救金融危机、要促进经济增长,依靠良好政策,会有近期效果。经济学家清楚地了解到,经济的长期增长,什么财政政策、货币政策,都没有多大作用,不良政策,会适得其反。经济的长期增长只能依靠法治、依靠资本、依靠人才、依靠技术进步。这就是长期、远期效果。当然资源也非常重要,但可以从国外购买。

看历史也是这样,从远处看中国历史,有两个最为明显的分界线,这就是秦始皇时代和辛亥革命。从远处看毛泽东,毛泽东就是秦王汉武,他想称帝,无需像今年习近平那样修宪。毛泽东的气概,超过唐宗宋祖,他依靠发动一次全国性的群众运动,搁置宪法,使所有他不喜欢的文武大臣,让普通民众通过『大鸣大放大字报』和形形色色的手段,在这些官僚身上踏上一只脚,一个一个地打倒。在人类历史上,几乎没有一个君王有如此宏大的气魄,不怕身後洪水滔天,把文革前的舊国家机器一扫而空。1949年後,毛泽东对中国历史起的作用,就是逆转辛亥革命开辟的大方向。

经济学家陈志武把1949年到2049年,这100年中国历史划分为4个阶段。第一个阶段是1949到1978年,第2个阶段是1979年到2008年,第三个阶段是2009年到2018年,第4个阶段是2019到2049年。这四个阶段有四个总纲领。

参考陈志武的分析,用大家熟悉的语言来说,1949年到1978年的总纲领,是毛泽东化,是为了实行共产主义乌托邦,在共和名义下复辟帝制。1976到1978年,是华国锋时期,虽然江青被抓起来了,华国锋路线大体上还延续毛泽东路线。1978年天安门事件的翻案,以及随之而来的民主墙运动,是改变中国历史发展方向的重大事件。

在天安门事件翻案後两天,来自贵州的黄翔等9位青年在北京成立启蒙社,李家华在评黄翔的《火神交响诗》时说,「要在实践的审判席上,对一切伪造的、冒牌的真理进行严峻的检验和审判!」启蒙社成立的这一天晚间,启蒙社在天安门广场靠近毛泽东纪念堂的栅栏上贴出了「应该重新评价文化大革命」、「毛泽东要三七开」的大字标语。1979年北京民主墙,包括王府井、西单和天安门广场纪念碑和当时贴大字报的栅栏。西单墙最早张贴的不是大字报,而是被汪东兴禁止发行的《中国青年》复刊号第1期样本。时间在1978年8月。后来,又有许多到北京的上访者把自己的冤情写成大字报张贴在西单墙上。在天安门事件翻案後,从11月25日开始,西单墙前就成了「民主讨论会」的场所。11月27日傍晚,多伦多环球邮报记者John Fraser向大家传达了华盛顿邮报专栏作家Jim Novak 会见邓小平时,邓小平对西单民主墙的看法。邓小平当时说,民主墙是好事,人民有这个权利。邓小平还说,「毛泽东三七开我不同意,毛泽东比三七开要好」,并说「我对自己是四六开,彭德怀也应该四六开」。这是当时一位女学生自告奋勇翻译的。当天晚上,有几千人聚集在西单墙。接着大部分人游行到天安门广场,有十多人发表演说,为邓小平支持民主墙而欢呼,讨论中国未来的前途。

西单民主墙也是当时许多民办刊物的张贴和发行场所。当年12月5日,魏京生以「金生」之名贴出了《第五个现代化民主及其他》的大字报,第二年1月8日,由魏京生起名并题字的《探索》出版。12月16日,徐文立主编的《四五论坛》出版。还有北岛、芒克的《今天》、周为民、王军涛创办的《北京之春》、任畹町的《中国人权》、胡平的《沃土》、齐建昌的《科学、民主、法制》、《群众参考消息》、《民主墙》,1979年1月6日,任畹町起草的《中国人权宣言十九条》在西单墙上张贴了出来。我也是民主墙的参与者,《北京之春》的刊名是我提议并为创办人周为民、王军涛所接受,创刊号上发表了我写的一篇文章,署名是步曙明。

1978年,中国有两个非毛化的场所,一个是民主墙,另一个是胡耀邦在京西宾馆主持召开的理论务虚会。在40年前,用铅字印刷十分困难,在社科院外国文学研究所邵明瑞的努力下,为周为民、王军涛主编的《北京之春》铅印了一期,我把几十本《北京之春》带到京西宾馆会场散发。理论务虚会也印发了人民日报记者非常详尽的、民主墙的报道。

40年前的1978年,是中国发生大变革的一年。在这一年,有两个人提出了两个纲领,一个在中南海提出,另一个在民主墙提出,这就是邓小平的「改革开放」和是魏京生的「第五个现代化」。「改革开放」是为了实现经济现代化,「第五个现代化」就是「政治现代化」。

1978年到2008年,中国发展的总纲领是改革开放。没有天安门事件的翻案,就没有邓小平的重新上台,没有北京民主墙,没有当时全中国人民对文革的否定,就没有改革开放。

1978年到2008年,有三个重大历史事件,严重地扭曲了改革开放的进程。一是邓小平在1978年说了民主墙是好事後,出尔反尔,在1979年摧毁了民主墙。1979年3月25日,魏京生在《探索》上发表了《要民主还是要新的独裁》,说「必须警惕邓小平蜕化为独裁者」,四天後,魏京生被捕。魏京生被捕後一天,邓小平在理论务虚会上作了《坚持四项原则》的讲话。从这一天开始,民主墙的主要人物,一个个被逮捕关进监狱,理论务虚会也草草收场。

第二个重大历史事件是反自由化运动和总书记胡耀邦下台。

第三是1989年的六四大屠杀。

这三个事件,造成了成千上万的受难者。今天,赵紫阳没有瞑目,天安门母亲还在苦难中哭泣。

2009年到2018年,这10年,陈志武把它称为第3个阶段。他接受英国金融时报记者采访时说,这10年,是『停滞的10年』、『硬撑的10年』,我认为是『局部毛泽东化的十年』。邓小平反对个人崇拜,在1982年宪法中,明文规定,国家元首和政府首脑『连续任职不得超过两届』,在这10年中,受到了否定,加上经济上的『国进民退』,从2009年到2018年,这10年,中国变革的总纲领是『局部毛泽东化』。今天中国的政治,与毛泽东时期完全一样,一党专政、个人独裁,大同小异,没有变化。中国经济在改革开放下尽管有了很大发展,但只要政治没有现代化,经济上的成就会在专制政治下,在遭遇严重的金融风暴和经济危机下,毁于一旦。只要中国维持着有三千年历史的王朝政治的专制传统,中国就不可能真正强大起来。中国许多人物,在与外国首脑人物的会谈时,还可以看到大清王朝官僚的姿态和身影。

2019年到2049年,面对最近10年来的倒退,中国如何发展,陈志武提出,中国要进行第二次改革开放,如果只搞半边改革,只改经济,不改其他,会带来方方面面的扭曲,到最后必然会产生一些动荡和危机。陈志武说,必须做全方位的,而非局部的改革。所谓『全方位的改革』,我认为,首先就是魏京生40年前提出的『政治现代化』。

实现政治现代化有两个前提条件,第一是进一步非毛化。第二就是在中国大地上恢复六四真相,使正义的阳光照耀中国大地。胡耀邦、赵紫阳为中国走出毛泽东时代、为中国进步和发展作出了巨大贡献,他们都含冤而死,冤案在中国不能申张,法治在中国就不可能建立起来。正是因为中国大地上不讲正义,所以,法治无法确立,冤假错案遍布中国大地。法治的精神就是让法律正义像阳光一样普照大地。

确立法治、厉行法治,是政治现代化的一个具体目标。政治现代化还有九个具体目标,这就是,宪法至上、军队非政治化和国家化、多党政治、议会民主、司法独立、分权制衡、国家元首和政府首脑限任制、文官制度、人权保障。

 

政治现代化,不只是民运人士的诉求,而是全中国人民的共同目标和纲领。没有政治现代化,中国就有人还要想当皇帝,中国就不能走出王朝循环,没有政治现代化,中国就没有光辉灿烂的明天。我今天来到这里,最重要的是说一句话,就是,政治现代化是中国走向进步的首要目标,是中国未来改革的纲领。在不远的将来,中国将是一个自由民主文明的、现代化的强国。

 

 

* 严家祺先生早在民主墙时期就很活跃,后成为中国社会科学院政治研究所所长,并发表多篇关于政改的论文。 他与妻子高皋合作撰写的最著名的著作是《文化大革命十年史》。 他在20世纪80年代成为中国总理赵紫阳的政治顾问。1989年天安门民主运动之后,他流亡并参与组建民主中国阵线,并当选为第一任主席。

 

 

严家祺先生在美国国会举办的纪念民主墙40周年研讨会上及相关照片:

http://www.weijingsheng.org/pic/newsletters/newsletters2018/newsletters2018-4/YanJQ181210atDemocracyWall40th-c-5.jpg

http://www.weijingsheng.org/pic/newsletters/newsletters2018/newsletters2018-4/YanJQspeaking181210atDemocracyWall40th-c-5.jpg

http://www.weijingsheng.org/pic/newsletters/newsletters2018/newsletters2018-4/DemocracyWall40th181210attendees-c-5.jpg

http://www.weijingsheng.org/pic/newsletters/newsletters2018/newsletters2018-4/WeiJSspeaking181210atDemocracyWall40th-c-5.jpg

 

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