Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article: A1325-W940

魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号:A1325-W940

 

Release Date: Sept. 27, 2020

发布日:2020927

 

Topic: Wei Jingsheng Was Invited as Keynote Speaker to Talk about Sino-USA Relationships Since China Joined the WTO, at the Academic Thought Seminar

标题:魏京生受邀在纽约思想者俱乐部、国际战略智库联盟联合举办的新一期学术思想讨论会上主讲中国加入WTO以来的中美关系

 

Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)

此号以中文为准(英文在前,中文在后)

 

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Wei Jingsheng Was Invited as Keynote Speaker to Talk about Sino-USA Relationships Since China Joined the WTO, at the Academic Thought Seminar Jointly Organized by the Thinkers Club of New York and the International Strategic Think Tank Alliance

 

 

Today, the Thinkers Club of New York and the International Strategic Think Tank Alliance jointly organized a new academic thought seminar.  The keynote speaker was Mr. Wei Jingsheng.  The theme of the seminar was: How did the United States misjudge the Chinese Communist regime repeatedly since it gained Most-Favored-Nation status?  An analysis of the future direction of Sino-US relations.

 

The seminar lasted for 3 hours and was hosted by Rong Wei and Zhao Yunlong.  Participants were active in thinking and spoke enthusiastically.

 

The panelists included: Hu Ping, Xu Youyu, Wang Juntao, Li Jinjin, Zhang Gang, Zhang Aimei, Teng Biao, Liu Yawei, Li Weidong, Gu Weiqun, Guo Yanhua, Deng Yuwen, Jian Ping, Xiao Jin, Luo Weinian, Zhu Qi, Yi Gai, etc. and some public intellectuals in China.

 

Related video link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yjikcy_hgVA

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The following is a summary of Mr. Wei Jingshengs speech.

 

Rong Wei:

Mr. Wei, please start with the Chinese Communist Partys gain of permanent Most-Favored-Nation (MFN) status and its entry into the WTO.

 

Wei Jingsheng:

In 1994, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) detained me.  This was the 18-month illegal detention.  They called it residential surveillance.  During that detention period, a representative of the CCP came to negotiate with me.  At that time, he mentioned that the main profit of the CCP comes from foreign trade, at about 30%, of which 70% was from the United States.  Without these profits, China's economy would collapse.  At that time, I made an appointment to meet with US Secretary of State Warren Christopher, who was a relatively tough politician in the United States against the Communist regime.  Our meeting would lead to further economic sanctions.  The Communist regime was very concerned about these issues at that time.

 

By 1997, Jiang Zemin and President Clinton had exchanged visits, which meant that the political sanctions against the CCP were basically lifted, with the condition to free me and Wang Dan.  Otherwise, Clinton could not easily to explain the rapprochement to the people in the United States.  After the political sanctions were lifted, they were immediately considering lifting the economic sanctions.  When I met Clinton on December 8, 1997, there was an episode.  I was persuading Clinton to use the annual review of most-favored-nation treatment to put pressure on the CCP and improve human rights in China.  At the time, National Security Adviser Sandy Berger interjected: We can't give up all business to Europeans either.  The two of us quarreled, and Clinton came forward to stop our argument.

 

After the meeting, a congressman drove me to a private party.  Those present were executives or presidents of major companies, and some even spoke Chinese.  During the party, everyone said a lot of clichés that praised my bravery.  After the meal, they finally got to the point at the coffee time.  They hoped that I would cooperate with them, and even said that afterwards, my work would get huge donations from them, even reaching hundreds of millions of dollars.

 

I asked what cooperation.  They said that trade with China has encountered great obstacles, and they hope I will cooperate with them to end economic sanctions against China.  I immediately objected and quarreled fiercely with them, thinking that not punishing the Communist Party would be a betrayal of American democracy and freedom.  At this time, a woman refuted me fiercely and said: But the USA can't return to the McCarthy era.  I retorted to her angrily, saying: During the McCarthy era, some American intellectuals were indeed treated unfairly, but at the same time, the Communist regime massacred millions Chinese.  Was McCarthys anti-communism and prevent-communism wrong?  The conversation ended unhappily.  Even at that time, I felt that the American business community was the most powerful force in pushing for the lifting of economic sanctions against China.

 

Maybe they knew that it was impossible to get my cooperation, and they needed to do more preparation and lobbying.  Two years later, when I returned to the United States from Taiwan in 1999, Nancy Pelosi approached me and said: Someone proposed to give China permanent MFN status.  I immediately decided to cooperate with Congressional members from both parties to oppose this proposal.  But because Pelosis first press conference was at the time when we were at the United Nations in Geneva with head on fighting against the Communist regime, I was not able to participant it.

 

After returning from Geneva, I found that the situation was worse than I thought.  Many heavyweight members of the both parties and some Congressional committees strongly supported giving China permanent MFN status.  This included the most powerful financial committee.  Its chairwoman said at a hearing: the Hong Kong Democratic Party Chair Martin Lee lobbied in Washington DC to promote permanent most-favored-nation status to China, and China's democratic movement leaders also support the most-favored-nation to China.  At that time, a reporter asked who was the leader of the democracy movement in China.  Madam chair did not answer.  That reporter asked three times and said: Wei Jingsheng, the leader of the Chinese democratic movement, and is right here on the scene, you can ask him to speak.  But again she changed the subject without response.

 

At that time, this issue was very hot in the media, and everyone understood that most-favored-nation status was a weapon against the CCP.  Withdraw this weapon, all statements and resolutions against the CCP would become toothless things.  If you can't pose a threat to the other, why should the other care about you?  At that time, public opinion surveys in the United States showed that about 70% of the Americans opposed giving the CCP permanent MFN status.  The first reason was that it was not conducive to improving human rights in China, and the second was that cheap goods coming into the United States will cause a lot of unemployment in the USA.

 

Many American politicians have paid a heavy price for human rights in China and the interests of American workers.  But the behavior of our Chinese was too disappointing.  In particular, facing tremendous pressure from the CCP, Hong Kong and Taiwan have come forward to untie the trouble knot for the CCP strengthening this enemy.  This is incredibly stupid.  So after the CCP was successful to get the permanent MFN, many congressmen said to me that they didn't want to care about Chinese affairs anymore -- we fought for you all with a price, but your behavior was so bad, we don't want to hear the word China anymore.

 

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中文版

 

Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article: A1325-W940

魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号:A1325-W940

 

Release Date: Sept. 27, 2020

发布日:2020927

 

Topic: Wei Jingsheng Was Invited as Keynote Speaker to Talk about Sino-USA Relationships Since China Joined the WTO, at the Academic Thought Seminar

标题:魏京生受邀在纽约思想者俱乐部、国际战略智库联盟联合举办的新一期学术思想讨论会上主讲中国加入WTO以来的中美关系

 

Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)

此号以中文为准(英文在前,中文在后)

 

如有中文乱码问题,请与我们联系或访问:

http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2020/report2020-09/WeiJSspeech200927atThinkersClubA1325-W940.htm

 

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魏京生受邀在纽约思想者俱乐部、国际战略智库联盟联合举办的新一期学术思想讨论会上主讲中国加入WTO以来的中美关系

 

 

今天上午,纽约思想者俱乐部、国际战略智库联盟联合举办新一期学术思想讨论会,主讲嘉宾是魏京生先生。主题是:从当年最优惠国开始,美国如何一再误判中共?未来中美关系走向分析。

 

由荣伟、赵云龙主持的研讨会开了3小时,参加者思想活跃,发言也踊跃。

 

讨论会嘉宾还有:胡平、徐友渔、王军涛、李进进、张钢、张艾枚、滕彪、刘亚伟、李伟东、顾为群、郭岩华、邓聿文、建平、萧劲、罗慰年、朱其、易改等以及部分国内公知学者。

 

相关录像链接:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yjikcy_hgVA

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以下为魏京生先生的发言摘要 。

 

荣伟:

请魏先生从中共获得永久最惠国待遇和加入世贸组织谈起。

 

魏京生:

1994年春天中共扣押了我,这就是那次十八个月的非法拘禁,他们叫做监视居住。扣押期间中共的代表来找我谈判。当时他就提到中共的主要利润来自对外贸易,大约百分之三十,其中从美国得到的占百分之七十。没有这些利润,中国的经济就垮了。而我当时约好了和美国国务卿克里斯多弗见面,他是美国对共产党比较强硬的政治家,见面会导致进一步的经济制裁。当时共产党就很在意这些问题。

 

到一九九七年,江泽民和克林顿实现了互访,这代表对中共的政治制裁基本上解除了。但是条件是放了我和王丹。否则克林顿对美国国内就不太好交代。政治制裁解除之后,他们马上就在考虑解除经济制裁。一九九七年十二月八号我和克林顿见面时有一个小插曲,我在说服克林顿要利用每年一次审议最惠国待遇向中共施加压力,改善中国的人权。当时的国家安全顾问桑迪伯格插话说:我们也不能把生意都让给欧洲人呀。之后我们俩就吵起来了,克林顿出面打圆场。

 

会面之后,一位国会议员自己开车带我去参加了一个私人聚会。到场的都是各大公司的高管或者总裁,甚至有人会讲中文。吃饭时大家讲了很多赞扬我勇敢的套话,饭后咖啡时间他们终于说到了正题,希望我和他们合作,甚至说之后我的工作会得到他们的巨额捐款,甚至可达上亿美元。

 

我问什么事情上合作,他们说对中国的贸易遇到了很大阻碍,希望在结束对中国的经济制裁上与他们合作。我立刻表示反对,并与他们进行了激烈的争吵,认为不惩罚共产党就是对美国民主自由的背叛。这时一位女士激烈地反驳我说:那我们美国也不能回到麦卡锡时代呀。我愤怒地反驳她说:麦卡锡时代有一些美国知识分子受到了不公平的对待,但同一个时间共产党屠杀了几百万所谓的地富反坏。难道麦卡锡反共防共错了吗?大家不欢而散。我当时就觉得美国的企业界是推动解除对中国经济制裁的最强大的力量。

 

可能他们知道不可能得到我的配合,还需要做更多的准备和游说。事情一直拖到两年之后,九九年出我从台湾访问回到美国,南希佩罗西找到我说:有人提案要给与中国永久的最惠国待遇。我立刻决定配合两党议员反对这个提案。但因为佩罗西的第一炮记者会时,我们正好在日内瓦联合国和共产党进行面对面的斗争,我就没参加这第一炮。

 

从日内瓦回来后我就发现形势比我想象的严重。两党的很多重量级议员和一些委员会,都强烈支持给中国永久最惠国待遇。这其中包括权力最大的财政金融委员会。它的女主席在一次听证会上说:香港民主党主席李柱铭在华盛顿游说,推动给中国永久最惠国待遇;中国的民运领袖也支持给中国最惠国待遇。当时就有记者问民运领袖是谁?主席女士王顾左右而言他。记者连问三次说:中国民运领袖魏京生就在现场,你可以让他出来说话。但她同样地不回答就转移了话题。

 

当时这个问题在媒体上炒得很热,所有人都明白最惠国待遇是对付中共的武器。取消了这个武器,所有对中共的决议说法都是没有牙齿的东西。如果不能对对方构成威胁,别人为什么要在乎你呢?当时美国的民意调查都说明百分之七十左右的美国民众反对给中共永久最惠国待遇。第一是因为不利于改善中国的人权,第二就是廉价商品进入美国会导致大量失业。

 

很多美国政治家为了中国的人权和美国工人的利益付出了很重代价。而我们中国人的表现太让人失望。特别是香港、台湾面对中共的巨大压力,反而出面为中共解套,增强敌人的实力,简直是不可思议的愚蠢。所以中共成功以后很多议员都对我说,不想再管中国的事情了--我们为你们付出代价,你们的表现却这么差,我们不想再听到中国这个词了。

 

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